Released by U.S. Embassy, New Delhi, India
Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I am honored that the Indian Chamber of Commerce has invited me here to meet
with you.
I want to begin by expressing my condolences to the victims and families of
the
attack on the Raghunath and Rupiyowala Temples in Jammu, and to repeat what
I
said in a speech in New Delhi in February of this year. Then, I cited Edmund
Burke's warning words that "The only thing necessary for the triumph of
evil is
for good men to do nothing."
I went on to note "some say that this absolutely uncompromising anti-terrorist
code is simplistic, that it does not take sufficiently into account historical
complexities or expedient raisons d'etat. Some say that with respect to
identifying terrorism, "it depends." To the contrary, I say that defeating
terrorism is a matter of survival for ourselves, for our democratic values,
for
our religious freedom, for our children, for everything that we hold dear
Socrates thought that, "the beginning of wisdom is the definition of terms."
So
let us please name those for what they are, who murder innocents for political
motives and who seek to bring down the very pillars of our democracy -- in New
York, in Washington, in Srinagar, in New Delhi" and Sunday evening and
Monday
morning in Jammu.
"These people are not misunderstood idealists. They are not disadvantaged
dissidents. They are not religious perfectionists. And they are not freedom
fighters."
"They are terrorists, and we should always be sure to call them exactly that."
I made these points in my meeting on Monday with Deputy Prime Minister Advani.
Now to the main topic of my speech. You are about to discover that I am
relentlessly optimistic in my assessment of the future of US-India strategic
collaboration. Relentlessly optimistic.
In this context, I am going to take my lead from Foreign Minister Yashwant
Sinha. At a World Economic Forum/CII dinner Monday evening in New Delhi, he
said the following, "Indian foreign policy is not Pakistan centric. I have
told
our international interlocutors that we should spend a minimum of time on
Pakistan. Let's leave Pakistan aside for a time." I intend rigorously to
follow
his advice today.
Introduction
The Roman writer Seneca once observed, "If a man does not know to what
port he
is steering, no wind is favorable." Writing much later, the German philosopher
Nietzsche thought that, "Man's most enduring stupidity is forgetting what
he is
trying to do." With this in mind, I would like all of us on this occasion
--
including during our question and answer session -- to stay entirely focused
on
the transformation of the US-India relationship, a recent extraordinary
development of encompassing strategic importance in this part of the world,
and
beyond.
Twenty months ago, under the 1998 US Pokhran II sanctions regime, the United
States and India seemed constantly at odds. Today, President Bush has this to
say about India, "The Administration sees India's potential to become one
of
the great democratic powers of the twenty-first century and has worked hard
to
transform our relationship accordingly." The President waived the 1998
sanctions, and drastically trimmed the long "Entity List" which barred
Americans from doing business with certain Indian companies from over 150
Entities to less than 20. Twenty months ago, the American and Indian militaries
conducted no joint operations. Today, they have completed six major training
exercises. Twenty months ago, American and Indian policymakers did not address
together the important issues of cooperative high technology trade, civil space
activity, and civilian nuclear power. Today, all three of these subjects are
under concentrated bilateral discussion, and the top of both governments is
determined to make substantial progress.
President Bush and Prime Minister Vajpayee champion this powerful and positive
bilateral interaction, reinforced by an unprecedented stream of Washington
policymakers who have traveled to India. Since Sept 1, 2001, five members of
the Bush Cabinet have come to India, some more than once -- Secretary of State
Colin Powell, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, Secretary of the Treasury
Paul O'Neill, US Trade Representative Robert Zoellick, and Director of the
Environmental Protection Agency Christie Todd Whitman. Their efforts have been
underpinned by nearly 100 US official visitors to this country at the rank of
Assistant Secretary of State or higher, including Chairman of the Joint Chiefs
of Staff General Richard Myers, and Director of the FBI Robert Mueller.
Robustly engaging with their Indian counterparts, these US policymakers give
attention to diplomatic collaboration, counter-terrorism, defense and
military-to-military teamwork, intelligence exchange, law enforcement,
development assistance, joint scientific and health projects including on HIV/
AIDS, and the global environment.
Transforming US-India Relations: Geopolitics in Asia
In my view, close and cooperative relations between America and India will
endure over the long run most importantly because of the convergence of their
democratic values and vital national interests. Our democratic principles bind
us -- a common respect for individual freedom, the rule of law, the importance
of civil society, and peaceful inter-state relations. With respect to
overlapping vital national interests, let me now briefly share with you my "Big
Three" for the next decade and beyond. They are to promote peace and freedom
in
Asia, combat international terrorism, and slow the spread of Weapons of Mass
Destruction.
In this context, Asia is poised to become the new strategic center of gravity
in international politics. With this historically momentous shift, for the
first time since the modern era began with the signing of the Treaty of
Westphalia in 1648, the single largest concentration of international economic
power will be found not in Europe - not in the Americas -- but in Asia. This
return of Asia to center stage in the international system after almost five
hundred years is occurring for at least three reasons:
· The long peace between the major Asian powers in the last quarter
of the 20th
century, underpinned by the security presence of the United States in Asia,
created the political conditions for economic prosperity;
· The success of the liberal international economic order permitted
many Asian
states to increase their economic growth rates far beyond the global historical
norm; and,
· The presence of enlightened leadership in key Asian countries produced
national strategies focused on economic development, expanded trade, and
increased prosperity.
In such circumstances, peace within Asia -- a peace that helps perpetuate
Asian
prosperity -- remains an objective that a transformed US-India relationship
will help advance. Within a fellowship of democratic nations, the United States
and India would benefit from an Asian environment free from inter-state
conflict --- including among the region's great powers -- open to trade and
commerce, and respectful of human rights and personal freedoms. President Bush
says it succinctly, "We seek a peaceful region where no power, or coalition
of
powers, endangers the security or freedom of other nations; where military
force is not used to resolve political disputes." Or as Henry Kissinger
wrote
twenty years ago, "the management of a balance of power is a permanent
undertaking, not an exertion that has a foreseeable end."
Achieving this objective requires the United States to particularly strengthen
political, economic, and military-to-military relations with those Asian states
that share our democratic values and national interests. That spells India.
A
strong US-India partnership contributing to the construction of a peaceful and
prosperous Asia binds the resources of the world's most powerful and most
populous democracies in support of freedom, political moderation, and economic
and technological development.
Even as together we support peace, prosperity and liberty in this part of
the
world, Asia remains an area wracked by a variety of serious threats. The most
pressing current danger is international terrorism. During the past decade,
more familiar ethnic, nationalist, and separatist terrorist groups have been
joined by new organizations with murderous ideological motivations.
These newer terrorist organizations, which attract recruits by perverting
great
religious traditions, embody a lethal threat to both India and the United
States. Their worldview propels them to conduct deadly attacks to inflict mass,
indiscriminate casualties among innocents. Both the United States and India
are
principal victims of this new and more dangerous kind of terrorism.
If promoting peace, prosperity and freedom in Asia, and defeating international
terrorism are two important long-term objectives of a transforming US-Indian
relationship, the third and final strategic challenge underlying this radical
reform of our bilateral ties is to curtail the proliferation of Weapons of Mass
Destruction in Asia, and the means to deliver them. Today, Asia has eight
nations that either have nuclear weapons capabilities, or are trying to acquire
them. Nine countries have biological and chemical weapons or are attempting
to
obtain them. Eight nations have ballistic missiles with ranges exceeding 1,000
km.
No other part of the globe has such a concentration of WMD nations and
capabilities, and these disturbing trends could worsen. As WMD programs have
become more advanced and more effective as they mature, many countries of
concern have become more aggressive in pursuing them.
Both India and the United States share a common vital national interest in
restraining the further proliferation of WMD, and their means of delivery. Both
countries face a significant risk within the next few years of confronting
either terrorists or rogue states armed with such WMD capabilities.
Thus, strong US-India relations are rooted not simply in a crucial commonality
of democratic governance indispensable as that is, but also in the fundamental
congruence of US and Indian vital national interests. Indeed, it is difficult
for me to think easily of countries other than India and the United States that
currently face to the same striking degree all three of these intense
challenges simultaneously -- advancing Asian stability based on democratic
values; confronting daily the threat of international terror; and slowing the
further proliferation of WMD. This daunting trio will be an encompassing
foundation for US-India strategic cooperation for years to come.
Transforming US-India Relations: Collaborating to Advance Stability
At this point, you may ask what the Bush and Vajpayee Administrations have
done
in detail to advance the democratic values and geopolitical interests that so
bond the United States and India. In this regard, I am entirely under the
influence of Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill who systematically stresses the
difference between talk, and action. So here follows US-India actions.
Afghanistan
Advancing stability in Afghanistan even as our two nations continue to work
on
helping Afghans establish democratic institutions and practices, India and
America are committed to encouraging a stable, free and peaceful Afghanistan
--
one with a representative central government that can provide physical and
economic security for its people. We want an Afghanistan that has good
relations with all its neighbors and with the international community -- and
one that will never again export terrorism.
While we place emphasis on economic reconstruction and help build national
institutions such as the Afghan National Army, the US and India agree that the
hunt for the remaining Al Qaeda and Taliban elements must continue vigorously
until they are brought to justice.
Iraq
In the context of numerous US-India high level exchanges in recent months,
the
Government of India stoutly believes that Iraq should fully comply with UN
Security Council Resolution 1441, which orders Iraq to give up its Weapons of
Mass Destruction. India earnestly hopes that Iraq will disarm peacefully. The
Bush Administration steadfastly agrees with both these crucial propositions
advanced by India.
Law Enforcement
As you know, the Portuguese Judicial Police on September 18 arrested in Lisbon
Abu Salem Ansari, a notorious member of the Dawood Ibrahim narcoterrorist
organization. Salem is wanted in India for his involvement in the Bombay bomb
blasts in 1993 that resulted in the deaths of hundreds of people. In possession
of his false identity documents, the Government of Portugal thereafter formally
charged and detained Abu Salem. For more than 12 months leading up to this
arrest, American law enforcement agencies, including the US Federal Bureau of
Investigation, have closely cooperated with the Indian Central Bureau of
Investigation and Interpol to track and ultimately capture Abu Salem.
After his arrest, the Government of India asked the Portuguese to deport him
to
India in order to face criminal charges here. Because of the prior involvement
of the Bush Administration in assisting India to track down Salem and the
muscular relationship between our respective law enforcement agencies, the
Indian CBI requested American assistance to intercede with the Portuguese to
obtain custody of Abu Salem. The top of the Bush Administration immediately
concurred and acted within hours. American representatives facilitated several
meetings between high-ranking CBI officials, the American Ambassador to
Portugal, and Portuguese officials in Lisbon. Although Salem remains in
Portuguese custody, the United States is working with CBI and the Portuguese
to
obtain a favorable conclusion in this matter on behalf of the Government and
people of India.
Transforming US-India Relations: Developing Capacities for Operating as
Partners
Defense Policy
Defense cooperation between Indian and American armed forces builds military
capacities on both sides for combined operations. In May, US Air Force Airman
first class Mitul Patel from 353rd Special Operations Group seized the
opportunity to deploy from the American airbase in Kadena, Okinawa to Air Force
Station Agra to take part in the largest-ever airborne joint exercise between
the United States and India. This 23-year old Gujarat-born American crew chief
was responsible for launching MC-130s to fly with the Indian Air Force. During
the exercise he witnessed an elite brigade of Indian paratroopers jumping with
US Special Forces in the "Balance Iroquois 02-01."
In June and July 2002, the Indian Navy Ships Sukanya and Sharda conducted
escort patrols for American ships through the Malacca Straits in support of
Operation Enduring Freedom. Knowing what they would be up against if they had
to deal with the Indian Navy, the pirates sensibly stayed away. The US Army
1st
Battalion, 501st Parachute Infantry Regiment welcomed 80 soldiers from India's
50th Independent Parachute Brigade to conduct "Geronimo Thrust" in
September,
the first-ever live fire exercise between American and Indian paratroopers.
The
jawans flew to Alaska in an Indian Air Force IL-76. This marked the first time
that an Indian Air Force combat aircraft has landed on US soil.
With American warships now routinely refueling in Chennai and Mumbai, we saw
in
September and October the largest-ever US-India naval exercise, called
"Malabar." Over 1,500 American and Indian naval personnel participated
during
this four-day event, which featured flying operations, anti-submarine warfare
exercises, and replenishment at sea.
In October 2002, again in Agra, an air transport exercise named "Cope
India-02"
developed a baseline for future interoperability that will lead to a fighter
aircraft exchange. USAF personnel, on board Indian aircraft, observed the drop
of Indian paratroopers and heavy equipment. Both air forces learned each
other's formation flying techniques. The Indians marked the difference in the
way the Americans drop cargo with drag-parachutes and prepare drop zones. By
the end of the exercise, Indian paratroops dropped from US C-130 Hercules
transporters.
In addition to all of this, in the past six months:
· The Office of Net Assessment, the Pentagon's key think tank, conducted
its
first seminar in India with counterparts in the Integrated Defense Staff. That
seminar will lead to future exchanges between the defense research and analysis
communities in both countries.
· The US Joint Staff in the Pentagon and the Indian Integrated Defense
Staff
established a formal relationship in April during the first Joint Staff Talks
in Washington. These talks will emphasize tri-service institutions, military
planning, and tri-service doctrine.
· The US and Indian Defense Intelligence Agencies instituted a formal
relationship.
· Indian and American Army Training and Doctrine Commands began a formal
exchange on doctrinal matters that will bring our armies closer together at
the
operational and strategic level.
· Finally, Indian experts participated in a missile defense simulation
in
Colorado in June, and Indian defense officials visited the United States to
talk specifically about India's future involvement in US missile defense
programs.
Defense Sales
While exercises, visits, and exchanges are key to building joint military
capacities for future interoperability, India also naturally views defense
sales as a way to gauge the potential for substantive future bilateral military
cooperation. In that regard, I am please to report that the past political
disconnects that hamstrung American defense sales to India are fading away.
There have been a number of breakthroughs on defense sales that have put the
United States and India on the road to a stable, long-term defense supply
relationship.
· The Bush Administration has worked with the American Congress to
amend the
law requiring congressional notification of all applications for export to
India of items on the US munitions list. Since October 24, 2002, only those
Major Defense Equipment (MDE) items above $14 million now require congressional
notification. This change puts India in a category with American Treaty Allies
such as South Korea and Japan.
· India is leasing several additional US fire-finding/weapon locating
radars,
in addition to those already contracted for purchase;
· Spares for Sea King helicopters are on a fast track for delivery;
· The Pentagon is expeditiously processing the Indian Army's request
for
significant Special Forces equipment and border sensors; and
· The Bush Administration approved the sale of General Electric engines
and
advanced avionics for India's indigenous light combat aircraft (LCA).
Cyberterrorism
With pioneering cooperation on cyberterrorism initiated by the US-India
Cyberterrorism Forum inaugurated earlier this year, three of that Forum's four
working groups -- Legal Cooperation and Law Enforcement, Information
Infrastructure Protection, and Defense Cooperation--have met in the United
States and are currently executing a yearlong joint action program.
US-India Economic Ties
You may be familiar with my frequently expressed views regarding the keys
to a
major increase in US-India economic activity. Here is what US Treasury
Secretary Paul O'Neill had to say last Friday in New Delhi about India's
economic future:
"In my view, the key to economic growth in India is to spread the accelerating
productivity evident in India's best ventures to the broader population, as
well as to the government. With steady, widespread productivity gains,
especially in sectors such as agriculture that have traditionally lagged, there
will be no limit to India's economic growth I am optimistic that this can
happen because productivity is at its heart the practice of implementing new
ideas, in which the Indian people have an illustrious record of success."
If this occurs, US-India economic interaction will no longer be the missing
piece of the bilateral relationship. I am especially eager for that day to
arrive.
Indian Economic Development
The United States also continues to support India's economic and social
development. Despite economic growth and food self-sufficiency, extensive
poverty threatens the promise of India's future. Our USAID program focuses on
economic opportunity, energy and the environment, health and education. As
needed, it responds to man made and natural disasters like the current drought.
In agriculture, India decided early this year to permit commercial cultivation
of Bt cotton, and early results, in spite of widespread drought, are promising.
Biotechnology improves farmers' livelihoods and can become a new growth
industry for India, much like IT in the 1990s.
High Technology Trade
With our two Governments earlier this month creating an US-India High
Technology Cooperation Group, this Group will develop a new statement of
principles governing bilateral cooperation in high-technology trade that
broadly advances our relationship in this area, including addressing ways to
increase trade in 'dual use' goods and technologies. In 2001, less than five
percent of all American exports to India (by dollar value) required a license
from the US Department of Commerce. And less than one percent of that five
percent - about $35 million -- were denied.
During the recent visit of Under Secretary of Commerce Kenneth Juster, the
US
and India also agreed to an export control technical cooperation program, a
series of exchanges that will provide each side with a better understanding
of
the customs procedures and other internal efforts to control the export of
sensitive technologies. This new initiative will enhance export control
cooperation to prevent the proliferation of WMD.
Transforming US-India Relations: Developing New Habits of Cooperation
Scientific Collaboration
Scientific collaboration between the US and India is one of the most permanent
features of our bilateral relationship. Thus, our transformed ties have given
added impetus to the Indo-US Science and Technology Forum, which benefits from
government of India support as well as a seven million dollar endowment
supplied by the US Government. The Forum sponsors meetings in the US and India
in diverse fields such a computer science, genomics, weather prediction and
energy. My hope is to put in place, in the context of our transformed
collaboration, a US-India Binational Science Foundation that would turn
brilliant ideas into research partnerships.
COP-8
Another recent example of the transformation of US-India relations is the
successful outcome of the Eighth Conference of the Parties to the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change or "COP-8," that recently
concluded in New Delhi. Common US and Indian interests in climate change policy
promoted the consensus "Delhi Declaration" produced by that Conference.
Both
our countries recognize the serious threat posed by Global Climate Change and
we are both signatories to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change.
Although the United States does not support the Kyoto Protocol and India does,
sustainable development is at the forefront of our respective climate policies.
We both believe that it is possible to grow our economies while reducing
greenhouse gas intensity through access to clean energy technologies.
Community of Democracies
The United States and India uphold democratic values around the globe. As
the
world's largest and oldest democracies, we both are members of the convening
group of the Community of Democracies. At the CoD meeting in Seoul earlier this
month, America and India celebrated shared democratic traditions, and expressed
our joint commitment to enhance those values everywhere. The international
community looks to India and the United States to lead the way in what Franklin
Roosevelt once called democracy's "everlasting march."
Transforming the Lives of Ordinary Citizens
Fighting HIV/AIDS
Bill Gates earlier this month announced that the Bill and Melinda Gates
Foundation would establish a long-term HIV/AIDS program in India, with an
initial commitment of $100 million. That in my opinion is only good news.
With the United States remaining the largest global donor for HIV/AIDS
prevention and control, the US Government's total contribution in India over
the next five-year period is roughly $120 million. Lest these seem like dry
statistics, I wish you could have been with Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill
and
me when we visited a children's ward in an HIV/AIDS clinic in Hyderabad at the
end of last week. We met with a dozen bright eyed and smiling boys and girls
less than seven years of age who were sitting on small white chairs,
enthusiastically singing songs to us in English. Ladies and gentlemen, every
one of these precious children is likely to die from this terrible disease in
the next few years. Their singing will stop, forever. All of us - Americans
and
Indians alike -- must fight the HIV/AIDS scourge shoulder to shoulder. There
must be no denial. No deflections. No discrimination. No excuses.
Citizen-to-Citizen Exchanges
The Indian-American community in the United States has doubled in the past
ten
years, and is now about two million strong. India recently passed China to
become the second largest country for legal migration to the United States,
only behind our next-door neighbor Mexico. Each year more than 18,000 Indian
students are issued visas to pursue their education in the United States, and
there are 22% more Indians studying in the US this year than last. With the
total number of Indian students now more than 66,000, this country has become
the number one source of foreign students for American colleges and
universities.
Since India became a software giant, almost the same number of "H1b -
temporary
worker visa petitions" has been approved for Indian citizens as for the
rest of
the world combined. During the past year, our consular sections in Kolkata,
New
Delhi, Mumbai and Chennai issued more than 275,000 tourist and business visas.
It is estimated that more than 400,000 Indians visit the United States for
business or pleasure each year. Although there have been some delays in visa
processing since 9/11, for the vast majority of applicants from India new
security measures should have no effect on either their ability to qualify for
a visa, or the time it takes to have it issued. Indeed, the overall visa
issuance rate for India is the same today as it was before 9/11. And, there
are
no more long visa lines at US diplomatic facilities in India.
This informal, citizen-to-citizen exchange is not a one-way street. Although
we
do not have precise numbers, we estimate that more than 65,000 American
citizens live and work in India. Countless Americans have close relatives
throughout India. India's unique culture and history captivate many others.
Conclusion
President Bush vigorously pursues strategic relations with India because a
powerful India will advance American democratic values and vital US national
interests in the decade ahead -- to bolster Asian security and democracy;
defeat international terrorism; curb the spread of Weapons of Mass Destruction,
and much, much more. But these primary objectives regarding US-India
collaboration go much further in the United States than the Oval Office and
the
top of the Bush Administration.
To illustrate this point, I quote from a recent survey of American public
opinion conducted by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations:
"India is seen in a new light in the 2002 survey. The percentage of respondents
saying the United States has a vital interest in India has increased by 29
percent point to 65% since 1998 -- the largest increase for any country ...
The
percentage of respondents who see it playing a greater role in the next 10
years has jumped from 26% in 1998 to 40% in 2002, the largest increase for any
country..."
These statistics make manifest that the transformation of the US-India
relationship is no passing fancy. Only a vision in January 2001, it is now a
reality. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Vajpayee and President Bush,
we
have come a very long way in twenty months. We will go much further in the
years ahead. As Foreign Minister Sinha stressed in New Delhi on Monday evening,
US-India relations are better than at any time in a half-century. Both
Governments are determined to keep it that way.
Deeply grounded in our mutual pluralist convictions and our compatible vital
national interests, and in the welcoming attitudes of the American and Indian
people, the United States and India will make this a more peaceful, prosperous
and free world. It will not be easy. It will not be quick. But working with
like-minded nations, we will accomplish this noble task -- together.
Thank you for your attention.
[End]
************************************************************
See http://www.state.gov for Senior State Department
Official's statements and testimonies
************************************************************