THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release May 1, 2001
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT TO STUDENTS AND FACULTY AT NATIONAL DEFENSE UNIVERSITY
Fort Lesley J. McNair
Washington, D.C.
2:40 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary. I appreciate you being here.
I also want to thank Secretary Powell for being here as well. My National Security
Advisor, Condi Rice is here, as well as the Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs,
General Myers. I appreciate Admiral Clark and General Ryan here, for being here
as well. But most of all, I want to thank you, Admiral Gaffney, and the students
for NDU for having me here today.
For almost 100 years, this campus has served as one of our country's premier
centers for learning and thinking about America's national security. Some of
America's finest soldiers have studied here: Dwight Eisenhower and Colin Powell.
Some of America's finest statesmen have taught here; George Kennan. Today, you're
carrying on this proud tradition forward, continuing to train tomorrow's generals,
admirals and other national security thinkers, and continuing to provide the
intellectual capital for our nation's strategic vision.
This afternoon, I want us to thank back some 30 years to a far different time
in a far different world. The United States and the Soviet Union were locked
in a hostile rivalry. The Soviet Union was our unquestioned enemy; a highly-armed
threat to freedom and democracy. Far more than that wall in Berlin divided us.
Our highest ideal was -- and remains -- individual liberty. Theirs was the construction
of a vast communist empire. Their totalitarian regime held much of Europe captive
behind an iron curtain.
We didn't trust them, and for good reason. Our deep differences were expressed
in a dangerous military confrontation that resulted in thousands of nuclear
weapons pointed at each other on hair-trigger alert. Security of both the United
States and the Soviet Union was based on a grim premise: that neither side would
fire nuclear weapons at each other, because doing so would mean the end of both
nations.
We even went so far as to codify this relationship in a 1972 ABM Treaty, based
on the doctrine that our very survival would best be insured by leaving both
sides completely open and vulnerable to nuclear attack. The threat was real
and vivid. The Strategic Air Command had an airborne command post called the
Looking Glass, aloft 24 hours a day, ready in case the President ordered our
strategic forces to move toward their targets and release their nuclear ordnance.
The Soviet Union had almost 1.5 million troops deep in the heart of Europe,
in Poland and Czechoslovakia, Hungary and East Germany. We used our nuclear
weapons not just to prevent the Soviet Union from using their nuclear weapons,
but also to contain their conventional military forces, to prevent them from
extending the Iron Curtain into parts of Europe and Asia that were still free.
In that world, few other nations had nuclear weapons and most of those who did
were responsible allies, such as Britain and France. We worried about the proliferation
of nuclear weapons to other countries, but it was mostly a distant threat, not
yet a reality.
Today, the sun comes up on a vastly different world. The Wall is gone, and so
is the Soviet Union. Today's Russia is not yesterday's Soviet Union. Its government
is no longer Communist. Its president is elected. Today's Russia is not our
enemy, but a country in transition with an opportunity to emerge as a great
nation, democratic, at peace with itself and its neighbors. The Iron Curtain
no longer exists. Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic are free nations, and
they are now our allies in NATO, together with a reunited Germany.
Yet, this is still a dangerous world, a less certain, a less predictable one.
More nations have nuclear weapons and still more have nuclear aspirations. Many
have chemical and biological weapons. Some already have developed the ballistic
missile technology that would allow them to deliver weapons of mass destruction
at long distances and at incredible speeds. And a number of these countries
are spreading these technologies around the world.
Most troubling of all, the list of these countries includes some of the world's
least-responsible states. Unlike the Cold War, today's most urgent threat stems
not from thousands of ballistic missiles in the Soviet hands, but from a small
number of missiles in the hands of these states, states for whom terror and
blackmail are a way of life. They seek weapons of mass destruction to intimidate
their neighbors, and to keep the United States and other responsible nations
from helping allies and friends in strategic parts of the world.
When Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in 1990, the world joined forces to turn
him back. But the international community would have faced a very different
situation had Hussein been able to blackmail with nuclear weapons. Like Saddam
Hussein, some of today's tyrants are gripped by an implacable hatred of the
United States of America. They hate our friends, they hate our values, they
hate democracy and freedom and individual liberty. Many care little for the
lives of their own people. In such a world, Cold War deterrence is no longer
enough.
To maintain peace, to protect our own citizens and our own allies and friends,
we must seek security based on more than the grim premise that we can destroy
those who seek to destroy us. This is an important opportunity for the world
to re-think the unthinkable, and to find new ways to keep the peace.
Today's world requires a new policy, a broad strategy of active nonproliferation,
counterproliferation and defenses. We must work together with other like-minded
nations to deny weapons of terror from those seeking to acquire them. We must
work with allies and friends who wish to join with us to defend against the
harm they can inflict. And together we must deter anyone who would contemplate
their use.
We need new concepts of deterrence that rely on both offensive and defensive
forces. Deterrence can no longer be based solely on the threat of nuclear retaliation.
Defenses can strengthen deterrence by reducing the incentive for proliferation.
We need a new framework that allows us to build missile defenses to counter
the different threats of today's world. To do so, we must move beyond the constraints
of the 30 year old ABM Treaty. This treaty does not recognize the present, or
point us to the future. It enshrines the past. No treaty that prevents us from
addressing today's threats, that prohibits us from pursuing promising technology
to defend ourselves, our friends and our allies is in our interests or in the
interests of world peace.
This new framework must encourage still further cuts in nuclear weapons. Nuclear
weapons still have a vital role to play in our security and that of our allies.
We can, and will, change the size, the composition, the character of our nuclear
forces in a way that reflects the reality that the Cold War is over.
I am committed to achieving a credible deterrent with the lowest-possible number
of nuclear weapons consistent with our national security needs, including our
obligations to our allies. My goal is to move quickly to reduce nuclear forces.
The United States will lead by example to achieve our interests and the interests
for peace in the world.
Several months ago, I asked Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld to examine all available
technologies and basing modes for effective missile defenses that could protect
the United States, our deployed forces, our friends and our allies. The Secretary
has explored a number of complementary and innovative approaches.
The Secretary has identified near-term options that could allow us to deploy
an initial capability against limited threats. In some cases, we can draw on
already established technologies that might involve land-based and sea-based
capabilities to intercept missiles in mid-course or after they re-enter the
atmosphere. We also recognize the substantial advantages of intercepting missiles
early in their flight, especially in the boost phase.
The preliminary work has produced some promising options for advanced sensors
and interceptors that may provide this capability. If based at sea or on aircraft,
such approaches could provide limited, but effective, defenses.
We have more work to do to determine the final form the defenses might take.
We will explore all these options further. We recognize the technological difficulties
we face and we look forward to the challenge. Our nation will assign the best
people to this critical task.
We will evaluate what works and what does not. We know that some approaches
will not work. We also know that we will be able to build on our successes.
When ready, and working with Congress, we will deploy missile defenses to strengthen
global security and stability.
I've made it clear from the very beginning that I would consult closely on the
important subject with our friends and allies who are also threatened by missiles
and weapons of mass destruction.
Today, I'm announcing the dispatch of high-level representatives to Allied capitals
in Europe, Asia, Australia and Canada to discuss our common responsibility to
create a new framework for security and stability that reflects the world of
today. They will begin leaving next week.
The delegations will be headed by three men on this stage: Rich Armitage, Paul
Wolfowitz, and Steve Hadley; Deputies of the State Department, the Defense Department
and the National Security staff. Their trips will be part of an ongoing process
of consultation, involving many people and many levels of government, including
my Cabinet Secretaries.
These will be real consultations. We are not presenting our friends and allies
with unilateral decisions already made. We look forward to hearing their views,
the views of our friends, and to take them into account.
We will seek their input on all the issues surrounding the new strategic environment.
We'll also need to reach out to other interested states, including China and
Russia. Russia and the United States should work together to develop a new foundation
for world peace and security in the 21st century. We should leave behind the
constraints of an ABM Treaty that perpetuates a relationship based on distrust
and mutual vulnerability. This Treaty ignores the fundamental breakthroughs
in technology during the last 30 years. It prohibits us from exploring all options
for defending against the threats that face us, our allies and other countries.
That's why we should work together to replace this Treaty with a new framework
that reflects a clear and clean break from the past, and especially from the
adversarial legacy of the Cold War. This new cooperative relationship should
look to the future, not to the past. It should be reassuring, rather than threatening.
It should be premised on openness, mutual confidence and real opportunities
for cooperation, including the area of missile defense. It should allow us to
share information so that each nation can improve its early warning capability,
and its capability to defend its people and territory. And perhaps one day,
we can even cooperate in a joint defense.
I want to complete the work of changing our relationship from one based on a
nuclear balance of terror, to one based on common responsibilities and common
interests. We may have areas of difference with Russia, but we are not and must
not be strategic adversaries. Russia and America both face new threats to security.
Together, we can address today's threats and pursue today's opportunities. We
can explore technologies that have the potential to make us all safer.
This is a time for vision; a time for a new way of thinking; a time for bold
leadership. The Looking Glass no longer stands its 24-hour-day vigil. We must
all look at the world in a new, realistic way, to preserve peace for generations
to come.
God bless. (Applause.)
END 2:56 P.M. EDT