WIRELESS FILE
UNITED STATES INFORMATION SERVICE
STOCKHOLM SWEDEN
10/08/96
TEXT: LAKE SAYS U.S. NEITHER FAVORS NOR OPPOSES UNITED IRELAND
(Road to lasting peace leads through Stormont Castle) (3250)
Washington -- The United States neither favors nor opposes a united Ireland, President
Clinton's national security adviser says.
Addressing the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy at Georgetown University October 8,
Anthony Lake said Washington's goal in supporting talks about the future of Northern
Ireland
"is to help the people reach a just and lasting peace of their own choosing, not to
impose our
own solution. We are neither in favor of a united Ireland nor opposed to the idea.
"But we are determined to continue supporting the people of Northern Ireland and the
British
and Irish governments as they take risks for the peace that they themselves must
build."
Lake said the October 7 bombing of the British Army compound in Lisburn, apparently by
the Continuity Army Council, "deserves the strongest possible condemnation by
civilized man
and women everywhere. Those responsible must be brought to justice." The council is
reported to be a splinter of the outlawed Irish Republican Army (IRA).
"We all admire the brave resolve of the loyalist leaders in maintaining the loyalist
cease-fire in
the face of provocations," he said. "We join all who care about Northern
Ireland's future in
calling on the loyalists not to be provoked into a futile and deadly spiral of violence by
yesterday's attack.... If they can uphold a ceasefire and remain open to dialogue, surely
the
IRA can do no less."
Lake noted that at Stormont Castle "representatives from nine political parties have
been
sitting down around a table with the British and Irish governments to work out a
sustainable
settlement to Europe's most enduring civil strife."
Stressing that the majority of the Irish people want peace, Lake said those participating
in the
talks should "heed the call of their people and tip the balance between history and
hope. The
road to lasting peace is never short or straight. But the way ahead is clear. It leads
through
Stormont Castle."
The people of Northern Ireland, he said, have the right to expect that the talks will be
"meaningful and comprehsensive" and that the representatives will
"negotiate with tenacity and
good faith."
Clinton's adviser took note of the fact that Sinn Fein, the political arm of the IRA, is
not at the
bargaining table because the IRA has refused to re-instate the 17-month ceasefire it
shattered
with bombings in London and Manchester.
The talks, he declared, "will succeed most fully if all the parties -- including Sinn
Fein -- are
sitting at the same table. That is the firm belief of the British and Irish governments.
It is also
the firm belief of the United States.
"It can only happen after the IRA restores its ceasefire. Those who would re-impose
the hard
days of the past can have no legitimate role in deciding Northern Ireland's future."
Following is the text from the White House, as prepared for delivery:
(Begin text)
ANTHONY LAKE ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY
AFFAIRS REMARKS TO THE INSTITUTE FOR THE STUDY OF DIPLOMACY
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY WASHINGTON, D.C.
I am pleased to have the honor of delivering this year's Oscar Iden Lecture. Together,
this
Institute and Georgetown's School of Foreign Service have helped shape the minds of
countless American policy-makers and leaders, including President Clinton. I welcome this
opportunity to talk with a roomful of those who have chosen to enter the foreign policy
racket. So before I begin my remarks on peace in Northern Ireland, let me offer some
thoughts on the key foreign policy challenges that our nation faces.
Even in the throes of a presidential election, we must remember that America's interests
do
not change every four years. Our responsibility is to look beyond the election cycle and
focus
on the challenges ahead -- no matter who is President come January.
The good news is that we live at a time of great opportunity. Our nation is at peace. Our
economy is strong. Our most deeply held ideals are ascendant, as more countries and
peoples
than ever before enjoy the benefits of open societies and open markets. These positive
developments didn't happen overnight, or over one administration. They represent the
hard-won victory of decades of American leadership and engagement around the world.
Yet this new era is not without peril. We face a host of threats -- from rogue states,
from
terrorism and organized crime, from the spread of weapons of mass destruction -- that have
grown more deadly in a world grown closer.
In this new world of possibility -- but also of risk -- the need for America's global
leadership
is undiminished. Indeed, if the last century -- let alone the last four years -- teaches
us
anything, it is that only by leading abroad can we hope to stay prosperous and secure at
home. To lead, our nation must do two things at once.
First, whether an outbreak of violence in the Middle East or a global 911 such as a
hurricane,
earthquake or famine, we must effectively manage crises as they arise. This is fast-paced,
high
profile work, its impact readily visible and frequently found in the headlines.
These challenges defy easy solutions and neat four-year cycles. Every administration
inherits
its share of problems; ours was no different. Are they resolved? No, they're not. Foreign
policy issues are very seldom finally resolved. Hard work remains to be done in almost
every
case. Some are not likely to be settled in our lifetimes, much less in the next four
years. But
we've made much progress. Judge for yourself -- not from argument, but from facts. Simple
facts:
-- In 1993, in Haiti there were a repressive dictatorship and refugees coming to our
shores.
Now, there is democracy -- and the flow of refugees has ceased.
-- Then, war in Bosnia. Now, peace and peaceful elections.
-- Then, a dangerous nuclear program in North Korea. Now, it's frozen under international
supervision.
-- Then, Russia's missiles targeted American cities and citizens. Now, their detargetting
has
eliminated the risk to us of an accidental launch.
-- Then, 3,400 nuclear warheads in Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakstan. Now, all but 20 of
those warheads have been removed, and they should be out by the end of the year.
-- Then, Israel was in a state of war with Jordan. Now, they have signed a peace agreement
and Israel is working -- with difficulty -- to implement an agreement with the
Palestinians.
But even as we make progress on these issues we can't let the immediate, no matter how
important, dictate our agenda at the expense of the fundamental. Adrenaline can carry you
only so far in foreign policy. Even as we respond to today's crises, we must work to avert
tomorrow's by focusing on long-term strategic goals. That brings me to the second crucial
aspect of leadership: making the investments that will pay greater benefits -- or prevent
greater costs -- in the future. We must use our strength to secure the foundations and
build the
frameworks that will make a real difference not just in our lives, but in those of our
children.
I believe that we have come a long way in laying the basis for a post-Cold War world where
our interests are protected and our people prosper. Over the next four years, whoever
leads
this country will have a chance and a responsibility to build on a number of
"construction
projects" for the future. For each, over the past few years, we have already
constructed the
foundation and, in some cases, much of the framework. For example:
-- A revitalized NATO is keeping the peace in Bosnia. Now NATO is moving forward with
the processes of enlargement and adaptation while forging a new relationship with Russia.
We
can create the free, prosperous and undivided Europe that the President has been working
to
build.
-- We have made the world safer by cutting its nuclear arsenals, securing the indefinite
extension of the Non-Proliferation Treaty and winning approval of the Comprehensive Test
Ban Treaty. Now we must bring the CTBT into force as soon as possible, win Senate
ratification of the Chemical Weapons Convention and work with Russia to ratify START II.
We can reduce the danger of weapons of mass destruction even further.
-- We are taking the fight to terrorists and criminals abroad and at home with greater
international cooperation and tougher laws. Now we must secure a global commitment to
zero tolerance for terrorism and lawless behavior. While we cannot end terrorism, we can
defeat terrorists.
-- We've concluded more than 200 trade agreements from NAFTA and the Uruguay Round
of GATT to APEC and a Free Trade Area of the Americas. These efforts have opened more
markets than ever before to our products...thus created more than one million new jobs in
America...and made the United States the world's number one exporter again. Now, we must
extend the reach of free and fair trade even further, throughout this Hemisphere and
beyond.
We can create the global, open trading system for the 21st Century.
-- We've promoted democracy from the former Soviet Union to the Americas, where every
country, but Cuba, is a democracy. Now, we must continue to lead the global move away
from repression and toward freedom. We can further enlarge the community of democratic
nations.
-- We have stood with those taking risks for peace, from the Middle East to Bosnia to
Northern Ireland. Now, we must stand up to those who would reverse these gains. We can,
and we must, continue to lead the way in bringing seemingly intractable conflicts to
resolution.
For often, peace is a prerequisite to long-term progress.
Today, I want to talk with you about one of those areas where we are advancing our
interests
and ideals by helping those who want to heal themselves. Northern Ireland, especially in
the
wake of yesterday's despicable attack, is once again at a decisive moment.
Just outside of Belfast, on a lush 300-acre estate of green slopes and classical
buildings, talks
are now under way on Northern Ireland's future. There, on the grounds of Stormont Castle,
representatives from nine political parties have been sitting down around a table with the
British and Irish governments to work out a sustainable settlement to Europe's most
enduring
civil strife.
The opening of the Stormont talks on June 10 was in itself a significant achievement. Now
they face a tough agenda. Led by former Senator George Mitchell and his two co-chairmen
from Canada and Finland, they must agree on how to end a violent conflict -- including how
to handle the weapons that have helped to fuel it. And they must devise a workable
government for Northern Ireland as well as develop relations both between North and South
and between the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland.
The hand of history weighs heavily on their efforts. Since the partition of Ireland in
1921, the
unionist and mainly Protestant majority and the large nationalist and mainly Catholic
minority
have been unable to reach a political consensus on how they should be governed and by
whom. From the beginning of "the Troubles" more than 25 years ago, both sides
lived under
the shadow of violence and terror. Only when the cease-fires were reached two years ago
did the people of Northern Ireland begin to enjoy a more normal life -- one without bomb
alerts, package searches, and armed patrols on their streets.
Despite a historical climate of fear and mistrust, and despite yesterday's outrageous act
of
terrorism, I believe that there are signs of hope and progress. Start with Stormont Castle
--
the seat of Northern Ireland's government before 1972. Once the embodiment of a sadly
divided society, Stormont today is becoming the symbol of a new commitment to dialogue
and reconciliation. At Stormont, the British and Irish governments are working together on
issues that have divided them for decades. They and the political parties made important
decisions on rules and procedures during the first session of the talks, which lasted
until late
July. After a difficult summer, these parties have demonstrated their commitment to the
talks
by returning to the table on September 9.
But the greatest proof and hope that Northern Ireland's future can be different than its
past
comes from the people themselves. Put simply, they want peace. I had the privilege of
accompanying President Clinton on his historic trip to Belfast and Londonderry almost one
year ago -- the first time a sitting U.S. President has ever visited Northern Ireland.
While the
hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children who filled the streets and squares were
cheering the President of the United States, they were also cheering their dream of
lasting
peace. They were giving voice to their hope for a day of real reconciliation...a day when
they
will all live in neighborhoods without walls...a day when the two vibrant traditions of
Northern
Ireland will flourish together.
That hope found its fullest expression in the 17-month cease-fire that President Clinton
played
a key role in achieving -- the longest in the history of "the Troubles."
Hundreds of lives were
spared. We don't know who they are. They don't know who they are. We will never know
their names or neighborhoods, much less their political loyalties or religious
affiliations. But for
all that, they are alive today. And so is the hope for a lasting peace. Even with the
breach of
the cease-fire by the IRA last February, and the renewed sectarian strife over the summer,
there has been no return to full-scale violence in the streets of Belfast and Derry -- and
there
must not be.
None of this is to argue away the tremendous difficulties that lie ahead. The President
and the
American people remain deeply outraged by the IRA's breach of the cease-fire, its vicious
bomb attacks in London and Manchester, and its continuing attempts to maim and kill
innocent civilians. We were dismayed by the bitterness of this summer's marching season,
by
the rekindling of old hatreds and old fears on both sides. And yesterday's bombing of
British
Army barracks in Lisburn, claimed by a splinter republican group calling itself the
Continuity
Army Council, deserves the strongest possible condemnation by civilized men and women
everywhere. Those responsible must be brought to justice.
But make no mistake. The vast majority of the people of Northern Ireland want peace.
Now it falls to their leaders to heed the call of their people and tip the balance between
history and hope. The road to lasting peace is never short or straight. But the way ahead
is
clear. It leads through Stormont Castle.
All the parties who join the talks have a right to expect them to be meaningful and
comprehensive. The people have a right to expect their representatives to negotiate with
tenacity and good faith -- both essential to reaching an agreement as soon as possible
that will
benefit the whole community. And they have a right to expect that the pursuit of peace
will
make a concrete difference in their lives, building confidence and improving their social
and
economic fortunes. We will do what we can to help the talks reach that goal. That includes
encouraging American businesses to pursue the opportunities that a Northern Ireland at
peace
has to offer -- an effort that continues today at a conference in Pittsburgh for American,
British, and Irish business executives.
The talks are up and running as I speak. And now they must succeed. Of course, they will
succeed most fully if all the parties -- including Sinn Fein -- are sitting at the same
table. That
is the firm belief of the British and Irish governments. It is also the firm belief of the
United
States.
It can only happen after the IRA restores its cease-fire. Those who would re-impose the
hard
days of the past can have no legitimate role in deciding Northern Ireland's future.
We all admire the brave resolve of the loyalist leaders in maintaining the loyalist
cease-fire in
the face of provocations. We join all who care about Northern Ireland's future in calling
on
the loyalists not to be provoked into a futile and deadly spiral of violence by
yesterday's
attack. It is inspiring that the loyalists and their leaders, who once shunned the
political
process, now have proved so courageous and steady in pursuing peace. If they can uphold a
ceasefire and remain open to dialogue, surely the IRA can do no less. And surely the
mainstream parties can find broader inspiration in their example. The only true solution
to the
conflict lies in painstaking negotiation, in breaking down barriers and building up ties,
and in
working together to create a better life that all the citizens of Northern Ireland can
share.
The British and Irish governments deserve great credit for all they have done to bring
these
talks about. So does Senator Mitchell for the way he has conducted them. So do the party
leaders who support them, including John Hume who has fought so hard for peace over the
years. We must hope and pray that the incidents last summer and -- yes -- the outrage of
yesterday will provide a shock of recognition that the ways of the past provide no way
forward. They must be rejected. If Stormont fails, the absence of a peace process could
fundamentally alter the psychology of the moment, add weight to the dead hand of history,
and give violence its victory.
President Clinton remains firmly committed to helping Northern Ireland claim its future
rather
than return to its past. Let me make clear that our aim is to help the people reach a just
and
lasting peace of their own choosing, not to impose our own solution. We are neither in
favor
of a united Ireland nor opposed to the idea. But we are determined to continue supporting
the
people of Northern Ireland and the British and Irish governments as they take risks for
the
peace that they themselves must build.
While the months and years ahead will be filled with tough choices and hard bargains, I
believe -- we must all believe -- that the dream of peace in Northern Ireland can be made
real. In Belfast, I saw that dream in the faces of the crowd gathered for the
Christmas-tree
lighting. I heard it in the words of the policeman who told me, in simple but moving
terms, of
his joy at being able to mix with his fellow citizens without fear at the end of his day's
work.
And I felt it in the silent longing of those gathered on the floor of Mackie's Plant, as
two
children of two different traditions spoke with one voice about their shared hopes.
The United States will continue to do what it can to help make that dream come true. But
the
weight of that responsibility rests most heavily on those men and women assembled at
Stormont Castle. If guided by what President Lincoln once called "the better angels
of our
nature," these leaders can meet the challenge of peace posed to them by their people.
History
will judge them harshly if they fail. For only by meeting that challenge of peace can they
ensure
that the future of Northern Ireland shines brighter than its past -- as brightly as the
faces that I
saw that day around the Christmas tree at Belfast.