In the name of God, Mr. Speaker of the Knesset, ladies and gentlemen, allow me first to thank deeply the Speaker of the Knesset for affording me this opportunity to address you.
As I begin my address I wish to say, peace and the mercy of God Almighty be upon you
and may peace be with us all, God willing. Peace for us all, of the Arab lands and in
Israel, as well as in every part of this big world, which is so beset by conflicts,
perturbed by its deep contradictions, menaced now and then by destructive wars launched by
man to annihilate his fellow men.
Finally, amidst the ruins of what man has built among the remains of the victims of
mankind there emerges neither victor nor vanquished. The only vanquished remains always a
man, God's most sublime creation. Man, whom God has created, as Gandhi, the apostle of
peace puts it, to forge ahead, to mold the way of life and to worship God Almighty.
I come to you today on solid ground to shape a new life and to establish peace. We all
love this land, the land of God, we all, Moslems, Christians and Jews, all worship God.
Under God, God's teachings and commandments are: love, sincerity, security and peace.
I do not blame all those who received my decision when I announced it to the entire world before the Egyptian People's Assembly. I do not blame all those who received my decision with surprise and even with amazement-- some gripped even by violent surprise. Still others interpreted it as political, to camouflage my intentions of launching a new war.
I would go so far as to tell you that one of my aides at the presidential office
contacted me at a late hour following my return home from the People's Assembly and
sounded worried as he asked me: 'Mr. President, what would be our reaction if Israel
actually extended an invitation to you?'
I replied calmly: 'I would accept it immediately. I have declared that I would go to the
ends of the earth. I would go to Israel, for I want to put before the people of Israel all
the facts.'
I can see the faces of all those who were astounded by my decision and had doubts as to
the sincerity of the intentions behind the declaration of my decision. No one could have
ever conceived that the President of the biggest Arab state, which bears the heaviest
burden and the main responsibility pertaining to the cause of war and peace in the Middle
East, should declare his readiness to go to the land of the adversary while we were still
in a state of war.
We all still bear the consequences of four fierce wars waged within 30 years. All this at
the time when the families of the 1973 October war are still mourning under the cruel pain
of bereavement of father, son, husband and brother.
As I have already declared, I have not consulted as far as this decision is concerned with any of my colleagues or brothers, the Arab heads of state or the confrontation states.
Most of those who contacted me following the declaration of this decision expressed
their objection because of the feeling of utter suspicion and absolute lack of confidence
between the Arab states and the Palestine people on the one hand and Israel on the other
that still surges in us all.
Many months in which peace could have been brought about have been wasted over differences
and fruitless discussions on the procedure of convening the Geneva conference. All have
shared suspicion and absolute lack of confidence.
But to be absolutely frank with you, I took this decision after long thought, knowing
that it constitutes a great risk, for God Almighty has made it my fate to assume
responsibility on behalf of the Egyptian people, to share in the responsibility of the
Arab nation, the main duty of which, dictated by responsibility, is to exploit all and
every means in a bid to save my Egyptian Arab people and the pan-Arab nation from the
horrors of new suffering and destructive wars, the dimensions of which are foreseen only
by God Himself.
After long thinking, I was convinced that the obligation of responsibility before God and
before the people make it incumbent upon me that I should go to the far corners of the
world-- even to Jerusalem to address members of the Knesset and acquaint them with all the
facts surging in me, then I would let you decide for yourselves.
Following this, may God Almighty determine our fate.
Ladies and gentlemen, there are moments in the lives of nations and peoples when it is
incumbent upon those known for their wisdom and clarity of vision to survey the problem,
with all its complexities and vain memories, in a bold drive toward new horizons.
Those who like us are shouldering the same responsibilities entrusted to us are the first
who should have the courage to make determining decisions that are consonant with the
magnitude of the circumstances. We must all rise above all forms of obsolete theories of
superiority, and the most important thing is never to forget that infallibility is the
prerogative of God alone.
If I said that I wanted to avert from all the Arab people the horrors of shocking and
destructive wars I must sincerely declare before you that I have the same feelings and
bear the same responsibility toward all and every man on earth, and certainly toward the
Israeli people.
Any life that is lost in war is a human life, be it that of an Arab or an Israeli. A wife
who becomes a widow is a human being entitled to a happy family life, whether she be an
Arab or an Israeli.
Innocent children who are deprived of the care and compassion of their parents are ours. They are ours, be they living on Arab or Israeli land.
They command our full responsibility to afford them a comfortable life today and tomorrow.
For the sake of them all, for the sake of the lives of all our sons and brothers, for
the sake of affording our communities the opportunity to work for the progress and
happiness of man, feeling secure and with the right to a dignified life, for the
generations to come, for a smile on the face of every child born in our land -- for all
that I have taken my decision to come to you, despite all the hazards, to deliver my
address.
I have shouldered the prerequisites of the historic responsibility and therefore I
declared on Feb. 4, 1971, that I was willing to sign a peace agreement with Israel. This
was the first declaration made by a responsible Arab official since the outbreak of the
Arab-Israeli conflict. Motivated by all these factors dictated by the responsibilities of
leadership on Oct. 16, 1973, before the Egyptian People's Assembly, I called for an
international conference to establish permanent peace based on justice. I was not heard.
I was in the position of man pleading for peace or asking for a cease-fire, motivated by
the duties of history and leadership, I signed the first disengagement agreement, followed
by the second disengagement agreement in Sinai.
Then we proceeded, trying both open and closed doors in a bid to find a certain road
leading to a durable and just peace.
We opened our heart to the peoples of the entire world to make them understand our
motivations and objectives and actually to convince them of the fact that we are advocates
of justice and peacemakers. Motivated by all these factors, I also decided to come to you
with an open mind and an open heart and with a conscious determination so that we might
establish permanent peace based on justice.
It is so fated that my trip to you, which is a journey of peace, coincided with the
Islamic feast the holy Feast of the Sacrifice when Abraham-- peace be upon him--
forefather of the Arabs and Jews, submitted to God, I say, when God Almighty ordered him
not out of weakness, but through a giant spiritual force and by free will to sacrifice his
very own son, personified a firm and unshakeable belief in ideals that had for mankind a
profound significance.
Ladies and gentlemen, let us be frank with each other. Using straightforward words and
a clear conception with no ambiguity, let us be frank with each other today while the
entire world, both East and West, follows these unparalleled moments which could prove to
be a radical turning point in the history of this part of the world if not in the history
of the world as a whole.
Let us be frank with each other, let us be frank with each other as we answer this
important question:
How can we achieve permanent peace based on justice? Well, I have come to you carrying my clear and frank answer to this big question, so that the people in Israel as well as the entire world may hear it. All those devoted prayers ring in my ears, pleading to God Almighty that this historic meeting may eventually lead to the result aspired to by millions.
Before I proclaim my answer, I wish to assure you that in my clear and frank answer I
am availing myself of a number of facts which no one can deny.
The first fact is that no one can build his happiness at the expense of the misery of
others.
The second fact: never have I spoken, nor will I ever speak, with two tongues; never have I adopted, nor will I ever adopt, two policies. I never deal with anyone except in one tongue, one policy and with one face.
The third fact: direct confrontation is the nearest and most successful method to reach a clear objective.
The fourth fact: the call for permanent and just peace based on respect for United
Nations resolutions has now become the call of the entire world. It has become the
expression of the will of the international community, whether in official capitals where
policies are made and decisions taken, or at the level of world public opinion, which
influences policymaking and decision-taking.
The fifth fact, and this is probably the clearest and most prominent, is that the Arab
nation, in its drive for permanent peace based on justice, does not proceed from a
position of weakness. On the contrary, it has the power and stability for a sincere will
for peace.
The Arab declared intention stems from an awareness prompted by a heritage of
civilization, that to avoid an inevitable disaster that will befall us, you and the whole
world, there is no alternative to the establishment of permanent peace based on justice,
peace that is not swayed by suspicion or jeopardized by ill intentions.
In the light of these facts which I meant to place before you the way I see them, I would
also wish to warn you, in all sincerity I warn you, against some thoughts that could cross
your minds.
Frankness makes it incumbent upon me to tell you the following:
First, I have not come here for a separate agreement between Egypt and Israel. This is not part of the policy of Egypt. The problem is not that of Egypt and Israel.
An interim peace between Egypt and Israel, or between any Arab confrontation state and Israel, will not bring permanent peace based on justice in the entire region.
Rather, even if peace between all the confrontation states and Israel were achieved in the absence of a just solution of the Palestinian problem, never will there be that durable and just peace upon which the entire world insists.
Second, I have not come to you to seek a partial peace, namely to terminate the state
of belligerency at this stage and put off the entire problem to a subsequent stage. This
is not the radical solution that would steer us to permanent peace.
Equally, I have not come to you for a third disengagement agreement in Sinai or in Golan
or the West Bank.
For this would mean that we are merely delaying the ignition of the fuse. It would also mean that we are lacking the courage to face peace, that we are too weak to shoulder the burdens and responsibilities of a durable peace based upon justice.
I have come to you so that together we should build a durable peace based on justice to
avoid the shedding of one single drop of blood by both sides. It is for this reason that I
have proclaimed my readiness to go to the farthest corner of the earth.
Here I would go back to the big question:
How can we achieve a durable peace based on justice? In my opinion, and I declare it to the whole world, from this forum, the answer is neither difficult nor is it impossible despite long years of feuds, blood, faction, strife, hatreds and deep-rooted animosity.
The answer is not difficult, nor is it impossible, if we sincerely and faithfully follow a straight line.
You want to live with us, part of the world.
In all sincerity I tell you we welcome you among us with full security and safety. This
in itself is a tremendous turning point, one of the landmarks of a decisive historical
change. We used to reject you. We had our reasons and our fears, yes.
We refused to meet with you, anywhere, yes.
We were together in international conferences and organizations and our representatives did not, and still do not, exchange greetings with you. Yes. This has happened and is still happening.
It is also true that we used to set as a precondition for any negotiations with you a mediator who would meet separately with each party.
Yes. Through this procedure, the talks of the first and second disengagement agreements
took place.
Our delegates met in the first Geneva conference without exchanging direct word, yes, this
has happened.
Yet today I tell you, and I declare it to the whole world, that we accept to live with you in permanent peace based on justice.
We do not want to encircle you or be encircled ourselves by destructive missiles ready for launching, nor by the shells of grudges and hatreds.
I have announced on more than one occasion that Israel has become a fait accompli,
recognized by the world, and that the two superpowers have undertaken the responsibility
for its security and the defense of its existence. As we really and truly seek peace we
really and truly welcome you to live among us in peace and security.
There was a huge wall between us which you tried to build up over a quarter of a century,
but it was destroyed in 1973. It was the wall of an implacable and escalating
psychological warfare.
It was a wall of the fear of the force that could sweep the entire Arab nation. It was
a wall of propaganda that we were a nation reduced to immobility. Some of you had gone as
far as to say that even for 50 years to come, the Arabs would not regain their strength.
It was a wall that always threatened with a long arm that could reach and strike anywhere.
It was a wall that warned us of extermination and annihilation if we tried to use our
legitimate rights to liberate the occupied territories.
Together we have to admit that that wall fell and collapsed in 1973. Yet, there remains
another wall. This wall constitutes a psychological barrier between us, a barrier of
suspicion, a barrier of rejection; a barrier of fear, of deception, a barrier of
hallucination without any action, deed or decision
A barrier of distorted and eroded interpretation of every event and statement. It is
this psychological barrier which I described in official statements as consituting 70
percent of the whole problem.
Today, through my visit to you, I ask you why don't we stretch out our hands with faith
and sincerity so that together we might destroy this barrier? Why shouldn't our and your
will meet with faith and sincerity so that together we might remove all suspicion of fear,
betrayal and bad intentions?
Why don't we stand together with the courage of men and the boldness of heroes who
dedicate themselves to a sublime aim? Why don't we stand together with the same courage
and daring to erect a huge edifice of peace?
An edifice that builds and does not destroy. An edifice that serves as a beacon for
generations to come with the human message for construction, development and the dignity
of man.
Why should we bequeath to the coming generations the plight of bloodshed, yes, orphans, widowhood, family disintegration and the wailing of victims?
Why don't we believe in the wisdom of God conveyed to us by the wisdom of the proverbs
of Solomon. [Mr. Sadat went on to quote extensively from the proverbs.]
Ladies and gentlemen, to tell you the truth, peace cannot be worth its name unless it is
based on justice and not on the occupation of the land of others. It would not be right
for you to demand for yourselves what you deny to others. With all frankness and in the
spirit that has prompted me to come to you today, I tell you you have to give up once and
for all the dreams of conquest and give up the belief that force is the best method for
dealing with the Arabs.
You should clearly understand the lesson of confrontation between you and us. Expansion
does not pay. To speak frankly, our land does not yield itself to bargaining, it is not
even open to argument. To us, the nation's soil is equal to the holy valley where God
Almighty spoke to Moses. Peace be upon him.
We cannot accept any attempt to take away or accept to seek one inch of it nor can we
accept the principle of debating or bargaining over it.
I sincerely tell you also that before us today lies the appropriate chance for peace. If we are really serious in our endeavour for peace, it is a chance that that may never come again. It is a chance that if lost or wasted, the resulting slaughter would bear the curse of humanity and of history.
What is peace for Israel? It means that Israel lives in the region with her Arab neighbors in security and safety. Is that logical? I say yes. It means that Israel lives within its borders, secure against any aggression. Is that logical? And I say yes. It means that Israel obtains all kinds of guarantees that will ensure these two factors. To this demand, I say yes.
Beyond that we declare that we accept all the international guarantees you envisage and accept. We declare that we accept all the guarantees you want from the two superpowers or from either of them or from the Big Five or from some of them. Once again, I declare clearly and unequivocally that we agree to any guarantees you accept, because in return we shall receive the same guarantees.
In short then, when we ask what is peace for Israel, the answer would be that Israel
lives within her borders, among her Arab neighbors in safety and security, within the
framework of all the guarantees she accepts and which are offered to her.
But, how can this be achieved? How can we reach this conclusion which would lead us to
permanent peace based on justice? There are facts that should be faced with courage and
clarity. There are Arab territories which Israel has occupied and still occupies by force.
We insist on complete withdrawal from these territories, including Arab Jerusalem.
I have come to Jerusalem, the city of peace, which will always remain as a living embodiment of coexistence among believers of the three religions. It is inadmissible that anyone should conceive the special status of the city of Jerusalem within the framework of annexation or expansionism. It should be a free and open city for all believers.
Above all, this city should not be severed from those who have made it their abode for centuries. Instead of reviving the precedent of the Crusades, we should revive the spirit of Omar Emil Khtab and Saladin, namely the spirit of tolerance and respect for right.
The holy shrines of Islam and Christianity are not only places of worship but a living
testimony of our interrupted presence here. Politically, spiritually and intellectually,
here let us make no mistake about the importance and reverence we Christians and Moslems
attach to Jerusalem.
Let me tell you without the slightest hesitation that I have not come to you under this
roof to make a request that your troops evacuate the occupied territories. Complete
withdrawal from the Arab territories occupied after 1967 is a logical and undisputed fact.
Nobody should plead for that. Any talk about permanent peace based on justice and any move
to ensure our coexistence in peace and security in this part of the world would become
meaningless while you occupy Arab territories by force of arms.
For there is no peace that could be built on the occupation of the land of others,
otherwise it would not be a serious peace. Yet this is a foregone conclusion which is not
open to the passion of debate if intentions are sincere or if endeavors to establish a
just and durable peace for our and for generations to come are genuine.
As for the Palestine cause--nobody could deny that it is the crux of the entire
problem. Nobody in the world could accept today slogans propagated here in Israel,
ignoring the existence of a Palestinian people and questioning even their whereabouts.
Because the Palestine people and their legitimate rights are no longer denied today by
anybody; that is nobody who has the ability of judgment, can deny or ignore it.
It is an acknowledged fact, perceived by the world community, both in the East and in the
West, with support and recognition in international documents and official statements. It
is of no use to anybody to turn deaf ears to its resounding voice, which is being heard
day and night, or to overlook its historical reality.
Even the United States of America, your first ally, which is absolutely committed to
safeguard Israel's security and existence and which offered and still offers Israel every
moral, material and military support-- I say, even the United States has opted to face up
to reality and admit that the Palestinian people are entitled to legitimate rights and
that the Palestine problem is the cause and essence of the conflict and that so long as it
continues to be unresolved, the conflict will continue to aggravate, reaching new
dimension.
In all sincerity I tell you that there can be no peace without the Palestinians. It is a
grave error of unpredictable consequences to overlook or brush aside this cause.
I shall not indulge in past events such as the Balfour Declaration 60 years ago. You
are well acquainted with the relevant text. If you have found the moral and legal
justification to set up a national home on a land that did not all belong to you, it is
incumbent upon you to show understanding of the insistence of the people of Palestine for
establishment once again of a state on their land. When some extremists ask the
Palestinians to give up this sublime objective, this in fact means asking them to renounce
their identity and every hope for the future.
I hail the Israeli voices that called for the recognition of the Palestinian people's
right to achieve and safeguard peace.
Here I tell you, ladies and gentlemen, that it is no use to refrain from recognizing
the Palestinian people and their right to statehood as their right of return. We, the
Arabs, have faced this experience before, with you. And with the reality of the Israeli
existence, the struggle which took us from war to war, from victims to more victims, until
you and we have today reached the edge of a horrible abyss and a terrifying disaster
unless, together, we seize this opportunity today of a durable peace based on justice.
You have to face reality bravely, as I have done. There can never be any solution to a
problem by evading it or turning a deaf ear to it. Peace cannot last if attempts are made
to impose fantasy concepts on which the world has turned its back and announced its
unanimous call for the respect of rights and facts.
There is no need to enter a vicious circle as to Palestinian rights. It is useless to
create obstacles, otherwise the march of peace will be impeded or peace will be blown up.
As I have told you, there is no happiness [based on] the detriment of others.
Direct confrontation and straightforwardness are the shortcuts and the most successful way
to reach a clear objective. Direct confrontation concerning the Palestinian problem and
tackling it in one single language with a view to achieving a durable and just peace lie
in the establishment of that peace. With all the guarantees you demand, there should be no
fear of a newly born state that needs the assistance of all countries of the world.
When the bells of peace ring there will be no hands to beat the drums of war. Even if
they existed, they would be stilled.
Conceive with me a peace agreement in Geneva that we would herald to a world thirsting for
peace. A peace agreement based on the following points:
Ending the occupation of the Arab territories occupied in 1967.
Achievement of the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people and their right to
self-determination, including their right to establish their own state.
The right of all states in the area to live in peace within their boundaries, their secure
boundaries, which will be secured and guaranteed through procedures to be agreed upon,
which will provide appropriate security to international boundaries in addition to
appropriate international guarantees.
Commitment of all states in the region to administer the relations among them in
accordance with the objectives and principles of the United Nations Charter. Particularly
the principles concerning the nonuse of force and a solution of differences among them by
peaceful means.
Ending the state of belligerence in the region.
Ladies and gentlemen, peace is not a mere endorsement of written lines. Rather it is a
rewriting of history. Peace is not a game of calling for peace to defend certain whims or
hide certain admissions. Peace in its essence is a dire struggle against all and every
ambition and whim.
Perhaps the example taken and experienced, taken from ancient and modern history, teaches
that missiles, warships and nuclear weapons cannot establish security. Instead they
destroy what peace and security build.
For the sake of our peoples and for the sake of the civilization made by man, we have
to defend man everywhere against rule by the force of arms so that we may endow the rule
of humanity with all the power of the values and principles that further the sublime
position of mankind.
Allow me to address my call from this rostrum to the people of Israel. I pledge myself
with true and sincere words to every man, woman and child in Israel. I tell them, from the
Egyptian people who bless this sacred mission of peace, I convey to you the message of
peace of the Egyptian people, who do not harbor fanaticism and whose sons, Moslems,
Christians and Jews, live together in a state of cordiality love and tolerance.
This is Egypt, whose people have entrusted me with their sacred message. A message of
security, safety and peace to every man, woman and child in Israel, I say, encourage your
leadership to struggle for peace. Let all endeavors be channeled toward building a huge
stronghold for peace instead of building destructive rockets.
Introduce to the entire world the image of the new man in this area so that he might set
an example to the man of our age, the man of peace everywhere. Ring the bells for your
sons. Tell them that those wars were the last of wars and the end of sorrows. Tell them
that we are entering upon a new beginning, a new life, a life of love, prosperity, freedom
and peace.
You, sorrowing mother, you, widowed wife, you, the son who lost a brother or a father,
all the victims of wars, fill the air and space with recitals of peace, fill bosoms and
hearts with the aspirations of peace. Make a reality that blossoms and lives. Make hope a
code of conduct and endeavor.
The will of peoples is part of the will of God. Ladies and gentlemen, before I came to
this place, with every beat of my heart and with every sentiment, I prayed to God
Almighty. While performing the prayers at the Al Aksa mosque and while visiting the Holy
Sepulchre I asked the Almighty to give me strength and to confirm my belief that this
visit may achieve the objective I look forward to for a happy present and a happier
future.
I have chosen to set aside all precedents and traditions known by warring countries. In
spite of the fact that occupation of Arab territories is still there, the declaration of
my readiness to procede to Israel came as a great surprise that stirred many feelings and
confounded many minds. Some of them even doubted its intent.
Despite all that, the decision was inspired by all the clarity and purity of belief and
with all the true passions of my people's will and intentions and I have chosen this road,
considered by many to be the most difficult road.
I have chosen to come to you with an open heart and an open mind. I have chosen to give
this great impetus to all international efforts exerted for peace. I have chosen to
present to you, in your own home, the realities, devoid of any scheme or whim. Not to
maneuver, or win a round, but for us to win together, the most dangerous of rounds
embattled in modern history, the battle of permanent peace based on justice.
It is not my battle alone. Nor is it the battle of the leadership in Israel alone. It is
the battle of all and every citizen in all our territories, whose right it is to live in
peace. It is the commitment of conscience and responsibility in the hearts of millions.
When I put forward this initiative, many asked what is it that I conceived as possible to
achieve during this visit and what my expectations were. And as I answer the questions, I
announce before you that I have not thought of carrying out this initiative from the
precepts of what could be achieved during this visit. And I have come here to deliver a
message. I have delivered the message and may God be my witness.
I repeat with Zacharia: Love, right and justice. From the holy Koran I quote the following
verses: 'We believe in God and in what has been revealed to us and what was revealed to
Abraham, Ishmael, Isaac, Jacob and the 13 Jewish tribes. And in the boooks given to Moses
and Jesus and the Prophets from their Lord, who made no distinction between them.'
So we agree, Salam Aleikum--peace be upon you.