صوت
المرأة
العربيَّة
Voice of Arab Women
Media Content-Based Arabic
Language Reading Course for Intermediate Level
Mohammed Jiyad
2005
Introduction
The terrible and
tragic events of September 11 have opened the Pandora's Box of questions about Arabs
and Islam: are they compatible with modernity? Is there something inherent that
predisposes Arabs and Muslims to reject the west? Do Arabs and Islam insist on
suppressing women and treating them as second-class citizens? Questions such as
these have become a staple for media discussion. Too often, the answers people
devise are an excuse to express their inherent prejudice and even ignorance.
The challenge for Arabs and Muslims is to throw light on these questions with
two distinct audiences in mind: the western media, which tends to reflect its
own prejudices about Arabs and Islam; and second, Arabs and Muslims who see the
answers to such questions through the prism of a distorted anger and hatred of
the world around them.
Take the question of
Muslim women. Women in Islam are central to domestic and cultural life, and
their role is a critical one in society. Groups such as the Taliban have a poor
way of showing their appreciation for women. They ban women from holding jobs
outside the home and even from being seen in public places. This drives an
already suppressed section of the population into further subjugation, as many
women - in Afghanistan, for instance - have to fend for their families after
having lost their husbands in the civil wars. Women, therefore, must carry a
double burden.
I believe that there is a
clear correlation between the treatment of women and Muslim self-perception,
which bears upon the position of women in Islam. When Muslim society is
confident and in balance, it treats women with fairness and respect; when
Muslim society is threatened and feels vulnerable, it treats women with
indifference and even harshness. This simple correlation can be tested against
history. During the early days of Islam, women played a distinct and full role
in society. Indeed, their position was pre-eminent. It is no coincidence that,
when asked, "Which is the short-cut to paradise," the prophet
Mohammed replied, "Under the feet of the mother", meaning that the
position of the mother is so highly elevated in society that her offspring must
care for her and respect her.
Indeed, the unique
privilege of being the first Muslim goes to Khadijah, the Prophet's wife. She
was older than him, wealthier, and from an aristocratic background. Previously
widowed, Khadijah initiated the marriage proposal, too. She remained the ideal
wife, consoling Mohammed in loss, encouraging him in his great mission, and
never doubting him when he announced his message to the world. He was
inconsolable when she died. Their daughter Fatimah also played a key role in
Islamic history. Fatimah was the wife of Ali and the mother of Hassan and
Hussein from whom are
descended the Sayyeds, the holiest lineage in Muslim society. The family of
Fatimah is particularly revered in Shi'a tradition.
However, it is no exaggeration to
say that the US has changed in a fundamental way following the attacks of September
11. The attacks came as a surprise to most people, and resulted in the loss of
that sense of security that their country's geographical position and its
military power have helped to foster. How a small group of young men, with
little material capabilities but with a strong adherence to a chauvinistic
ideology, can cause huge damage to the position and the economy of one of the
most powerful countries. The attacks confirmed the belief that safeguarding
national security cannot be achieved through defending the country's external
borders alone, but that it demands a policy of pre-emptive attacks on any
country that harbors or encourages any hostile group that uses terror as its
modus operandi, even if this means occupying a country and bringing about a
change of leadership.
This represents a complete departure
from the founding principles of the United Nations Charter, and from an
international system based on the respect of national sovereignty and
non-interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign country. Naturally, the
nations that are candidates for such an attack, or those which have become
actual targets, are the ones that the perpetrators of September 11 came from
Arab and Muslim countries.
No one who has lived through the
events of September 11 can deny that they have resulted in a wave of hostility
towards Arabs and Muslims. However, it is fair to say that a lot of work went
into containing this and limiting it, despite the attempts of the lobbyists to
fan the flames. The latest in this area was the response of the lobbyists to a
call by the teachers' union, issued at the start of the school year, for racial
and religious tolerance when discussing the events of 11 September. The union
argued that Muslims should not be blamed for what happened that day.
Immediately a statement signed by a former US education secretary and by the
wife of the US vice-president was issued. It condemned the teachers' union and
demanded that students be told that the US has enemies who wish it ill and that
they must be confronted.
It is in the light of such
environment that American students need to learn more about Arabs and Muslims.
Therefore, this introduction discusses the methodological framework for the course
material; namely the content based approach. Secondly, it will address the
justification to offer such a course, and finally it will discuss what is
included in the material that is intended to enhance the students’
understanding of Arabs and Muslims while they try to develop their skills in
reading Arabic.
Current interest in language
teaching approaches, which emphasize the mastery of particular informational
content as an integral element of second language instruction, represents a
coming together of practical experience and theory which started in the 60s and
developed in the 80s. In light of the assumption that language can effectively
taught through the medium of subject matter, these approaches view the target
language largely as the vehicle through which subject matter content is learned
rather than as immediate object of study. At the same time they recognize that
important gains in language proficiency occur “incidentally” (albeit
purposefully in a methodological sense), as language is used in the
understanding and expression of meaning. Thus, the traditional focus of both
native and second language classes on awareness of linguistic form is largely
subordinated to a focus on acquiring information through the second language.
Such an approach has been increasingly espoused by teachers and researchers
involved in the teaching of native language skills across the curriculum, and
it is also the cornerstone of such innovations in second and foreign language
teaching as immersion language programs.
As indicated above, the
claim that language is most effectively learned in context is hardly a new
revolutionary one. Regardless of the specific methodology used, language
teachers have generally found it desirable to present new items through
meaningful content; in fact “contextualizing” lesson presentations has become a
widely accepted rule of good language teaching. Yet much of the controversy
about second and foreign language teaching which has surfaced in the past
several decades has centered precisely around the question of what role content
should play in language teaching. What, for example, is the importance of
meaningful content in the language acquisition process? Is it essential that
content should be understood in order for acquisition to proceed? If so, to
what extent is this can be considered a sufficient condition for acquiring
different aspects of language? Are texts which have certain grammatical and discourse
features more appropriate than others for particular language teaching
purposes? What are the implications of using varied subject matter as opposed
to developing the same theme in depth? How can we know which topics will be of
interest to our students? How can a given media content based best be
integrated with language teaching purposes in the language classroom?
These and other related
questions have led methodologists to carefully examine the role of content in
language teaching. This investigation has led to a widely shared belief that
simply “contextualizing” language lesson which are organized around structures
or functions is not enough. Rather, theorists and practitioners have suggested
as a starting point the use of authentic
texts which are relevant to the learner’s second language needs, i.e., written
or oral texts which are created for a purpose other than language teaching.
These provide in concrete form the structures, functions, and discourse
features to be taught. One view is that these features, once identified, can
then be taught at least partially in isolation, with lessons focused on
particular language forms, functions and patterns. A second view is that the
emphasis on the informational content itself provides ineffective means for
incidental acquisition of the language features it present. Content based
language teaching approaches, in fact, often combine focus on form with
experimental techniques.
For the purpose of this
course material we define content based instruction as the integration of
particular content with language teaching aims. More specifically, since we are
dealing primarily with postsecondary education, it refers to the concurrent
teaching of academic subject matter and second language skills. The language curriculum
is based directly on the academic needs of the students and generally follows
the sequence determined by particular subject matter in dealing with the
language problems which students encounter. The focus for students is on
acquiring information via the second language and, in the process, developing
their academic language skills. Ultimately, the goal is to enable students to
transfer these skills to other academic courses. Thus, both in its overall
purpose and in its implementation, content based instruction aims at
eliminating the artificial separation between language instruction and subject
matter classes which exists in most educational settings.
In a content based
approach, the activities of the language class are specific to the subject matter
being taught, and are geared to stimulate students to think and learn through
the use of the target language. Such an approach lends itself quite naturally
to the integrated teaching of the four traditional language skills. For
example, it employs authentic reading materials which require students not only
to understand information but to interpret and evaluate it as well. It provides
a format in which students can respond orally to reading materials. It
recognizes that academic writing follows from listening and reading, and thus
requires students to synthesize facts and ideas from multiple sources as
preparation for writing. In this
approach, students are exposed to study skills and learn a variety of
language skills which prepare them for the range of academic tasks they will
encounter. This type of approach has important implications for course
design. The course design must indicate the means by which the content is to
be integrated with language objectives. Accordingly, the curriculum and
materials must reflect this overall design.
A content based
instructional approach has a number of implications for language teachers as
well. First, language instructors are asked to let the content dictate the
selection and sequence of language item to be taught rather than vice versa.
They are asked to view their teaching in a new way, from perspective of truly
contextualizing their lessons by using content as the point of departure. They
are almost certainly committing themselves to materials adaptation and development.
Finally, with the investment of time and energy to create a content based
language course comes even greater responsibility for the learner, since
learner needs become the hub around which the second language curriculum and
materials, and therefore teaching practices, revolve.
What is
the rationale for content based language teaching? At least five different
rationales for integrating the teaching of language and content are implicit in
content based approaches. First, proponents of English for Specific Purposes
note that for successful language learning to occur, the language syllabus must
take into account the eventual uses the learner will make of the target
language. Thus, focus is on the language forms and functions which will best
serve the learner, based on systematic description. Second, even though learner
language needs and interest may not always coincide, the use of informational
content which is perceived as relevant by the learner is assumed by many to
increase motivation in the language course and thus to promote more effective
learning. Third, content based approaches apply the pedagogical principle that
any teaching should build on the previous experience of the learner, as they
take into account the learners’ existing knowledge of the subject matter and of
the academic environment as well as their second language knowledge, A fourth
rationale is that language should be taught through a focus on contextualized
use rather than on fragmented examples of correct sentence level usage, the
former a critical feature of a content based approach. In this way, the learner
will become aware of the larger discourse level features and the social
interaction patterns which are essential to effective language use, as well as
of the correct grammatical conventions.
Finally, the fifth and probably the
strongest argument for content based course comes from research and second
language acquisition. Much recent research suggests that necessary condition
for successful language
acquisition
is that the “input” in the target language must be understood by the learner
(Krashen, 1985a: 1985b). Since input which will serve for
language
acquisition must also contain new elements to be acquired, comprehension is
accomplished with the help of cues from the situational and verbal contexts.
These interact with the learner’s imperfect knowledge of the language and with
his or her world knowledge and expectations. The associations of forms form and
meaning which are required for successful comprehension feed into developing
stock of formal, functional and semantic relationships as the learner acquires
new elements in the language. While there is some controversy about whether
novel, comprehended input in the target language is sufficient condition for
acquiring productive skills in the second language, there is strong evidence
that it is a necessary condition, and that it is sufficient for the acquisition
of high level of proficiency in listening and reading. This process requires
that the learner be focused on meaning rather than on form. The role of output
has also been discussed in the literature and may be a necessary condition to
enable learners to move from semantic to syntactic processing (Swain, 1985).
The learning of significant, relevant content through a second language, the
shared principle of all content based approaches, can satisfy both these
conditions.
The above discussion suggests that
content based instruction can be a very effective way to teach both first and
second language skills in school contexts. Practical experience with language
teaching, systematic though about language teaching and learning, and empirical
research on classroom language learning all suggest that content learning
through the medium of the target language can serve well as a major component
of instructional programs for all age groups. It further suggests that
instruction is particularly appropriate where learners have specific functional
needs in second language.
How, then, does it work? Classroom
experience and second language acquisition theory both tell us that rich second
language input in relevant contexts is the key, where the attention of the
learner is focused mostly on the meaning rather than on the language. This
experiential component appears to be a vital element in the development of
functional second language skills, which contextualized analytical activities
which focus explicitly on language forms, functions, and patterns playing a
complementary role in the development of accuracy and precision in language use
(Allen, Carroll, Burtis, & Gaudino, 1987; Stern, 1978, 1992).
The idea of developing a reading
material, which is based on the above discussed principles, presented itself
when September 11 tragedy took place.
That spectacular horror of the sort that struck New York (and to a lesser degree
Washington) has ushered in a new world of unseen, unknown
assailants, terror missions without political
message, senseless destruction. For the residents of the wounded city, the
consternation, fear, and sustained sense of outrage and shock will certainly
continue for a long time, as will the genuine sorrow and affliction that so
much carnage has so cruelly imposed on so many.
The national television
reporting has of course brought the horror of those dreadful winged juggernauts
into every household, unremittingly, insistently, not always edifyingly. Most
commentary has stressed, indeed magnified, the expected and the predictable in
what most Americans feel: terrible loss, anger, outrage, a sense of violated vulnerability,
a desire for vengeance and unrestrained retribution. Beyond formulaic
expressions of grief and patriotism, every politician and accredited pundit or
expert has dutifully repeated how we shall not be defeated, not be deterred,
not stop until terrorism is exterminated. This is a war against terrorism,
everyone says, but where, on what fronts, for what concrete ends? No answers were
provided, except the vague suggestion that the Middle East and Islam were what
'we' are up against, and that terrorism must be destroyed.
What is most depressing,
however, is how little time is spent trying to understand America's role in the
world, and its direct involvement in the complex reality beyond the two coasts
that have for so long kept the rest of the world extremely distant and
virtually out of the average American's mind. You'd think that 'America' was a
sleeping giant rather than a superpower almost constantly at war, or in some
sort of conflict, all over the Islamic domains. Osama bin Laden's name and face
have become so numbingly familiar to Americans as in effect to obliterate any
history he and his shadowy followers might have had before they became stock
symbols of everything loathsome and hateful to the collective imagination.
Inevitably, then, collective passions were being funneled into a drive for war
that uncannily resembles Captain Ahab in pursuit of Moby Dick, rather than what
is going on, an imperial power injured at home for the first time, pursuing its
interests systematically in what has become a suddenly reconfigured geography
of conflict, without clear borders, or visible actors.
Rational understanding of
the situation is what was needed then, not more drum-beating. George Bush and
his team clearly wanted the latter, not the former. Yet to most people in the
Islamic and Arab worlds the official US is synonymous with arrogant power,
known for its sanctimoniously munificent support only of numerous repressive
Arab regimes, and its inattentiveness even to the possibility of dialogue with
secular movements and people who have real grievances. Anti-Americanism in this
context is not based on a hatred of modernity or technology-envy: it is based
on a narrative of concrete interventions, specific depredations and, in the
cases of the Iraqi
people's suffering under US-imposed sanctions, then occupation. Political
rhetoric in the US has overridden these things by flinging about words like
'terrorism' and 'freedom' and 'democracy' whereas, of course, such large
abstractions have mostly hidden sordid material interests, the influence of the
oil, defense and lobbies now consolidating their hold on the entire Middle
East, and an age-old religious hostility to (and ignorance of) 'Islam' that
takes new forms every day.
Intellectual
responsibility, however, requires a still more critical sense of the actuality.
There has been terror of course, and nearly every struggling modern movement at
some stage has relied on terror. This was as true of Mandela's ANC as it was of
all the others, Zionism included. And yet bombing defenseless civilians with
F-16s and helicopter gunships has the same structure and effect as more
conventional nationalist terror.
What is bad about all
terror is when it is attached to religious and political abstractions and
reductive myths that keep veering away from history and sense. This is where
the secular consciousness has to try to make itself felt, whether in the US or
in the Middle East. No cause, no God, no abstract idea can justify the mass
slaughter of innocents, most particularly when only a small group of people were
in charge of such actions and feel themselves to represent the cause without
having a real mandate to do so.
Besides, much as it has
been quarreled over by Muslims, there isn't a single Islam: there are Islams,
just as there are Americas. This diversity is true of all traditions, religions
or nations even though some of their adherents have futilely tried to draw
boundaries around themselves and pin their creeds down neatly. Yet history is
far more complex and contradictory than to be represented by demagogues who are
much less representative than either their followers or opponents claim. The
trouble with religious or moral fundamentalists is that today their primitive
ideas of revolution and resistance, including a willingness to kill and be
killed, seem all too easily attached to technological sophistication and what
appear to be gratifying acts of horrifying retaliation. The New York and
Washington suicide bombers seemed to have been middle-class, educated men, not
poor refugees. Instead of getting a wise leadership that stresses education,
mass mobilization and patient organization in the service of a cause, the poor
and the desperate are often conned into the magical thinking and quick bloody
solutions that such appalling models provide, wrapped in lying religious
claptrap.
On the other hand, immense
military and economic powers are no guarantee of wisdom or moral vision.
Skeptical and humane voices have been largely unheard in the present crisis, as
'America' girds itself for a long war to be fought somewhere out there in Iraq
first then probably in Syria or Iran, along with allies who have been pressed
into service on very uncertain grounds and for imprecise ends. We need to step
back from the imaginary thresholds that separate people from each other and
re-examine the labels, reconsider the limited resources available, decide to
share our fates with each other as cultures mostly have done, despite the
bellicose cries and creeds.
'Islam' and 'the West' are
simply inadequate as banners to follow blindly. Some will run behind them, but
for future generations to condemn themselves to prolonged war and suffering
without so much as a critical pause, without looking at interdependent
histories of injustice and oppression, without trying for common emancipation
and mutual enlightenment seems far more willful than necessary. Demonization
of the Other is not a sufficient basis for any kind of decent politics,
certainly not now when the roots of terror in injustice can be addressed, and
the terrorists isolated, deterred or put out of business. It takes patience and
education, but is more worth the investment than still greater levels of
large-scale violence and suffering.
The opportunity to address
the matter and to offer an alternate avenue for American students to learn
about how Arabs and Muslims feel about various issues related to their lives,
identity, religion, and other issues that they focus on lent itself sometime
late in 2003. The BBC began to put on its website series of interviews with
Arab and Muslim men and women in various parts of the Arab World and overseas.
For the obvious reasons, we have decided to limit the coverage on women’s
contributions.
The first report was on eight young women from Egypt. BBC Arabic.com spoke to eight
girls from underprivileged backgrounds about their lives in modern Egypt, their
attitudes towards education and their hopes for a better future, both for
themselves and their families. They took part in a workshop entitled "My
Life", run jointly by BBC World Service Trust, BBC Arabic Service and
Egyptian non-government organization The Association for the Development and
Enhancement of Women (ADEW). The program, which focuses on young
underprivileged women in several Arab countries, asked them where they would
like to be by 2015. Their answers showed that, while a generation of women keen
to gain independence and an education, many still feel stifled by the pressures
of family life and custom. The following is what Nesma said:
“My name is Nesma and I am 15 years
old. My parents want to force me into working in a pottery factory with my
brother who already works there. I don't want to do it because it is an
exhausting job. I want for myself a better job that pays better so I can help
my family and my little sister and be independent in the future.
I don't like working in the factory because it is a very tiring job, even
though workers there are proud of their creations. I would like to work for a
clothing manufacturer and for my brothers and sisters to finish their education
and live in better conditions.
My mother had twin girls just eight
months ago. One of them died after three months. My other sister Fayza can't
walk or crawl although she is over two-years-old. I wish she can be treated so
she can be able to walk like other kids. I also wish my brother Hussein, who is
in the third primary year, will finish school. I hope that some day he will
become a teacher or an officer and that we will be as well-off as other people
are.”
A sad story indeed that is of Nesma,
especially the part regarding forced child labor. However, when the BBC
conducted the same project in Syria the ten respondents presented different
images. They talked about women freedom in the Middle East, Palestinian refugees,
environment and future hopes. Their age ranged between 14-22, and most of them
came from middle class families. While Iman wanted to become a famous artist
Dana wanted to travel abroad. Dima, on the other hand, wanted to get high
grades in order to secure a place in the college of medicine. They simply
answered the same question put to the Egyptian girls; where are you now, and
what do you want to achieve by 2015.
Regarding Iraq, the BBC
went there three times. In
September 2003 the BBC Arabic.com spoke to six Iraqi women about their lives in
the country following the fall of Saddam’s regime, and their hopes for the
future. The following is what Noura said. Notice the serious problem the
Christian community in Iraq was facing then.
“After
the recent war, the salaries of those working in the civil service were raised
and as a result my own income went up. By contrast, my father's financial
situation deteriorated. He owns a workshop as a metal turner and his business
is affected by the rate of exchange of the US dollar, which has fluctuated a
lot recently. My mother works as nurse in a private hospital and she has a good
income.
The
security situation means that we are not free to come and go as we please,
especially if it involves traveling to areas that are relatively far from where
we live. Recently, we began to see families who are enduring ill health and
hunger because of the lack of state control and supervision and because of
those who exploit the bad security situation.
Some religious bodies here have
also been intimidating women. Some women's hairdressing salons and shops
selling women's clothes have been threatened because they employ men. This is a
new phenomenon for us. There are some people here who have certain views and
beliefs they want to impose on the rest of society. There is another repugnant
phenomenon, namely that of the kidnapping of children - as well as doctors and
other professionals - for money.
The
healthcare system is also a cause for concern, because central accountability
systems are absent and because many doctors have either emigrated or have been
assassinated. If this situation continues, my family and I would consider
leaving the country. However, and notwithstanding all these negative aspects,
it is now possible to talk freely and to criticize the government. It has also
become possible for many people to afford the essentials of life that were not
available before or were even banned under previous regimes.
On
the social front, Iraqi Christian women are finding it hard to find suitable
marriage partners because many Christian Iraqi men left the country in the
1990s. But we hope that the situation in Iraq will improve soon and that peace
will once again return to our country.”
Almost a year later BBC came once again. The hopes and
faith of having a new Iraq seemed to have been evaporated amid the violence of
both the resistance and occupation forces. The BBC News website and
BBCArabic.com began to publish a log as a means to getting behind the headlines
and under the skin of life in Iraq. How are Iraqis, men and women, the young
and old, coping with a fluid and at times very dangerous situation? What are
their hopes and fears? Do they feel Iraq is heading in the right direction?
They also published contributions from
non-Iraqis to find out how the circumstances of foreign contractors have
changed over the past few months and what day to day life was like for American
soldiers. The log ran initially for two weeks starting on 29 November.
Contributors to the log were people who have contacted the BBC, or people in
Iraq the BBC had contacted and invited to contribute. As the log progresses,
they hoped new contributors would join in the discussion.
The BBC Host in this log was the BBC
News website's Middle East team. The role of the host was to add context and
explanation where necessary and point readers to external sites that added to
the picture of life in Iraq. It was not a web log or blog in the pure sense.
The log was mediated in that an editor, the BBC Host, read all posts and the
comments they generated before publication. For the purpose of this course, the
material chosen was limited to the two women contributors.
Yasmin is a 29-year-old doctor. She
lives in Baghdad and is not married. The main part of her work is for the
national inoculation program run by the Iraqi Health Ministry. The following is
what she posted on December 10th, 2004.
“I recently went through a horrible
experience. I witnessed a roadside explosion as I was on my way to Mahmudiya. I
was halfway between the district's courthouse and the hospital when a massive
explosion shook the car I was traveling in. My heart stopped for a few seconds.
The explosion came from a roadside bomb planted near the courthouse. Smoke was
coming from everywhere, and for few moments I wondered if was dead or alive. As
I recovered my senses, I looked around searching for American marines or Iraqi
National Guards, but could not see any. There were only ordinary Iraqis in the
street. I did not know if it was best for me to get out of the car or not. I
felt as if I had aged 10 years in those few seconds. Luckily, no one was badly
hurt. We later found out that the explosive device had been soaked with rain,
reducing its power.
I was badly shaken when I got back
home and my mother noticed straight away. She is always worried when I go to
work, but she knows that I would never leave my job which I love and sit at
home doing nothing. Even while I was in shock, I knew that once I was over
this, I would be back out there again. Looking back at it now, I realize I
wasn't afraid, even then. It was just shock. I know I could die at any moment,
but I do not want to die, at least not yet.
Finally, I just want to say how much
I enjoyed and valued sharing my experiences with so many people through this
log. I was particularly interested in the response from non-Iraqis, especially
from Arab readers. I must say that I have often felt Arabs across the world
have just not been on my wavelength regarding events here in Iraq, but I was heartened
by the reaction of most people on these pages. As we are about to move into a
new year, I am filled with a mixture of optimism and pessimism about the
situation. I hope and pray that the elections will take place on time and as
scheduled. I feel that they will provide us with a real gear change, which we
desperately need.”
Another
contributor was Sarab al-Delaymi. She is a housewife living in the al-Dorah
area of Baghdad. She is in her late 30s, married and a mother. The following is
what she posted on December 10th, 2004.
“I was finishing preparing
some Iraqi pastries, when my friends Um Aliaa and Um Sami came around for a
chat and some strong tea. We talked about the usual things... the elections,
the fuel crisis, inflation etc. Oum Sami wants to vote, and so do I but Oum
Aliaa is a bit reluctant. We tried to persuade her of the importance of casting
her vote.
We soon moved on to the
question of whether to wear a head cover or hijab. I wear a hijab myself, but I
do not take it too far, as I am against any kind of fanaticism. Many Iraqi
women wore the veil as a sign of resignation and mourning during the many wars
that we had to endure, while others did so to escape the harassment of the
predatory men of the regime.
Women in Baghdad are
traditionally more open than women in the provinces, but we've recently started
to notice the emergence of a new type of more emancipated women in the
provinces. Many women are becoming more engaged and active in political debate
and some of them even occupy high administrative and political positions. This
makes me and others hopeful of a better future. On the personal level, my wish
is the same as ever: I hope I can fulfill my ambition of becoming a teacher
again to help educate and nurture a new generation in my country.
The third time the BBC
came to Iraq was when it interviewed a number of families who fled Falluja
before the bloody attack on the city took place. The level of anger and
frustration the three families expressed had left no doubt in my mind that that
devastating and brutal attack was senseless, counter productive and only
nurtured and strengthened a strong and deep sense of resentment towards the
occupying power and its “puppet” regime. The USA has shown in Falluja that it is
stubbornly persisting with the big mistake of believing it can achieve anything
through military might. The live
broadcasted images of an American soldier shooting, in an execution style, a
wounded man in one of the city mosques will stay alive in the minds of Arabs
and Muslim viewers for a long time to come. As a background for that sad event,
the Iraqi city of Falluja was braced
for an assault by US forces when those forces massed on its outskirts late
September. On Friday, November 5th, 2004 the BBC News website spoke by phone to Fadhil
Badrani, an Iraqi journalist and resident of Falluja who reports regularly for
Reuters and BBC World Service in Arabic. His accounts from the city were
published in order to provide the fullest possible range of perspectives from
those who were there:
“When
I hear bombs falling around my neighborhood, I keep thinking - any moment now,
I could be killed. It is worst during the night, when the bombardment is most
intense. If a big bomb lands somewhere nearby, you often hear crying and
wailing afterwards. It is a very strange feeling because in between the
screaming, there is the sound of more missiles flying. That is when I think - I
could be next. Another sound you hear during the bombing is that of prayers.
People pray loudly because they are so scared. Sometimes, you hear people say
quite unusual things - they improvise, making up their own prayers.
We
followed the US elections very closely from Falluja. It was a matter of life
and death. Many people were hoping John Kerry would win because they felt he
would not have allowed our city to be attacked like this. Of course, we also know that the US policy
in Iraq at large is not going to change. We do not forget that George Bush and
John Kerry are two sides of the same coin. Still, as far as our city is
concerned right now, a Kerry victory would have brought some hope.
I
left my old house in the north of the city a month ago, when the Americans
began bombing that area all the time. Now I live with a small group of friends
near the centre of Falluja. We are just men here. All our wives and children
have left the city - some we sent to Baghdad, others to quieter areas closer
by. We cook and eat together and spend most of our time in the house.
If
you want to leave the house, the safest time to do so is between seven in the
morning and one in the afternoon, when the Americans take a break from the
bombing. The souk [market] in the centre of Falluja is open from morning to
midday and, fortunately, it has not run out of food so far. But I can't see how
long the supplies will last - two days ago, the government said it was cutting
off the roads from Falluja to Baghdad and Ramadi. I don't know what we will eat
then. I guess we might still be able to grab hold of some meat - I've seen a
lot of goats in the city.
There
is only one road out of the city that is still open now - but it runs through a
checkpoint manned by US soldiers. We think they're going to cut this route off
quite soon as well. A lot of people have left Falluja. Mostly only men remain.
This used to be a city of 500,000 people. Now, my guess is there are about
100,000 still here. Some people who tried to leave earlier on found they had to
come back because there was no way of surviving away from their homes.
Iraq
is a difficult place to live at the moment. There are not many opportunities.
The hospitals I have seen are full of people but empty of supplies and
medicine. The erratic electricity also makes operating difficult. Ten to 18 new
cases are brought in every day. The injured know they won't get much treatment.
They come just to be near the doctor, to hear the doctor talk to them.”
In a letter to the leaders of the
US, UK and Iraq, Mr. Annan warned that force risked alienating Iraqis when
their support for elections was vital. Iraqi Prime Minister Iyad Allawi called
it a "confused letter" and said time for a peace settlement in
Falluja was running out. US forces were massed outside the town and said an
operation was imminent.
Mr. Annan wrote of his
"increasing concern at the prospect of an escalation in violence... I have
in mind not only the risk of increased insurgent violence, but also reports of
major military offensives in key localities such as Falluja". He added
that force could alienate Iraqis and "reinforce perceptions...of a
continued military occupation". He said the UN wanted to help, but:
"We need a conducive environment if elections are to produce a positive
effect." A UN spokesman would not comment on the letter, reportedly dated
31 October.
But a US spokesman at the UN
dismissed the intervention. "This issue is for the government of Iraq and
those who are willing to help the people of Iraq," said Richard Grenell.
"Spectator nations and international organizations should do more in Iraq
and not in New York," he told the AFP agency.
The UN has warned that continued
violence in Iraq could make it very difficult to hold elections in January, as
planned. Mr. Allawi said of the letter: "We don't know what his intentions
were; it's a very unclear message." He said if Mr. Annan thought he could
prevent insurgents in Falluja from "inflicting damage and killing",
he was welcome to try. But he said the Falluja operation could not be delayed
for long. "The window really is closing for a peaceful settlement,"
he said. "We hope the casualties [in Falluja] will be minimal, but we have
to protect the majority from the minority of terrorists who are inflicting
damage on Iraq," he told BBC News. Mr. Annan's letter again emphasized the
division between his position and the US-led coalition over Iraq. It was less
than two months earlier since the secretary general caused a storm by saying
that the invasion of Iraq was illegal.
In
April 2004 the BBC arranged for a
special show in Cairo for Michael Moore’s movie “100 Fahrenheit”. A number of
mostly educated Egyptians were invited. Their reaction was published under the
title, “America in the Eyes of the Egyptians”. That coincided with the first
news of the American abuse of the Iraqi prisoners in Abu Ghraib. The pictures
released by the US CBS news network showing repulsive and immoral practices by
US soldiers against Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison have caused a great
shock and dismay among Egyptians and other Arabs. It was not a surprise that when
a sample of that audience was asked what they think of the USA, the opinions reflected
the general mood of anger and frustration of the population.
"If the photos were a shock to
the world public opinion, the shock in Iraq and Baghdad in particular has been
much greater," one person said. “The Egyptians considered the images as an
abuse of the Iraqis' humanity and dignity, which is meant to humiliate and
insult them on top of the occupation imposed on them."
The pictures prompted a furious
reaction in the region's press and internet sites. "The Scandal", was
the headline Egypt's Akhbar el-Yom newspaper splashed across its front
page above photographs of smiling US soldiers posing by naked and hooded
inmates. Al-Wafd, an opposition paper, displayed similar photos beneath
the words "The Shame!" In an editorial in pan-Arab newspaper al-Quds
al-Arabi, chief editor said the issue was a "moral scandal as well as
being a political one".
"What the US forces did and are
doing in Iraq confirms to us what we had always warned of, namely, that the aim
of this invasion and occupation was primarily to humiliate the Arabs and
Muslims and was never for changing a dictatorship or establishing a model of
democracy, justice and human rights. We are certain that Osama bin Laden, his
deputy Ayman al-Zawahri and al-Qaeda supporters are the happiest people on
earth as they watch the shameful clips because they have given them the best
ammunition for recruiting more frustrated young men who are zealous about their
religion, creed and honor."
The
next project for the BBC was to conduct interviews with six Arab women who
talked about the challenges they faced in a foreign country and the lives they
have been leading in the United Kingdom. Arab women who left their native lands
for a new life in Britain have many stories to tell. Some left their home
country for personal or economic reasons, while others fled political
oppression and persecution. And while many of the women have revealed in the
new opportunities they have found, others have suffered from oppression, violence
and discrimination in the very land supposed to offer them shelter. Here is one
of their stories, the story of Lubna which appeared without her picture, for
the obvious reasons.
“I
have always dreamt of having an education, to be like those women I see working
in offices. I never wanted to become a doctor nor could I ever imagine myself
as being a lawyer. I just wanted to settle for something simple - a teacher or
a nurse, for example.
At
the age of 16 I was forced to marry a relative of mine who lives in London. I
thought that my dreams were coming true and this man would grant me all that I
ever wished for. Since I've been here I have been on my own, raising my
children by myself. I only meet people he chooses for me to meet and he forbids
me from leaving the house at any time by myself. I cry my eyes out and beg for
him to allow me to study anything, or at least to learn English, but he has
always refused. I have reached a point where I have begun to hate myself and
hate my own children. He makes me wear the full Islamic dress although I
already wear a headscarf and have always been decently dressed.
It
hurts and frustrates me a lot to see other Arab women whose husbands give them
the freedom to decide their own future and develop themselves. Moments of
intimacy with my husband last for minutes and I loath them and loath myself
when he touches me with no feelings whatsoever. How can I raise my children,
when I myself have been deprived of learning? I don't know what to do or where
to go to. And this is what I got from living in London.”
As
the countdown to the November US presidential election continued, the BBC asked
Arab-American voters for their thoughts on the election. The Arab-American
community has become increasingly active in the US political arena, although
demographically they do not represent a large voting bloc in the country. About
1.2 million Americans - or 0.4% of the total population - are of Arab ancestry,
according to the US 2000 census. The Arab-American Institute puts the figure
higher, at more than 3.5 million.
After the 11 September
attacks, many became increasingly concerned at the backlash against
Arab-Americans, with issues of racial profiling, discrimination and
intimidation becoming key domestic issues. Foreign policy concerns, meanwhile,
remain dominated by the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Iraq. The BBC News
Online spoke to eight Arab-Americans about their views on the elections. They
were asked what issues were most important to them, what they felt about the
candidates and whether their heritage influenced how they voted. The following
is the reaction of Courtney:
“My father was a
Palestinian-American and mother is an American, so I am half Palestinian. I
became very interested in the political situation in Palestine partly because
of my descent, so I came to Palestine to see for myself what it is like and to
meet relatives. I see how inhumane and illegal the Israeli occupation is and I
feel so much stronger in my pro-Palestinian beliefs and my desire for a peaceful
and just resolution. I despise Bush and have since he stole the 2000 election.
I strongly support Dennis Kucinich,
even now, since he can still have an impact on the issues addressed at the
Democratic Convention. I agree with his stance on the Israeli-Palestinian
issue. He was one of the few candidates who declared the Israeli occupation
illegal and proposed an "even-handed" approach to the
Israel-Palestine conflict.
I am feeling especially frustrated
now Kerry has won the primary election, because he was one of the most centrist
Democratic candidates running. I was planning on voting for him despite his
similarity to George W Bush, although a few weeks ago I changed my mind. He
declared he would support Israel more strongly than Bush already is. I am
disgusted there is no real liberal candidate in our ridiculous two-party
system. After seeing what the occupation is really like, I could not bring
myself to vote for Kerry or Bush in 2004 and then face my Palestinian family
and tell them that I was not part of the solution, but part of the problem.”
In conclusion, among the tenets of this course material
is its use of advance organizers in the form of the questions which are
necessary to prepare students to process information from the texts. Advance
organizers are said to instantiate comprehenders' mental schemata relevant to
the content of a text by prompting comprehenders to activate their background
knowledge about the topic of communication. Comprehenders' higher degree of
expectancy then enables them to process information from the text in more
plausible and personally meaningful ways than they otherwise could. Advance
organizers often take the form of brainstorming about the topic of
communication, generating hypotheses about anticipated events in the story,
studying images portraying the characters and actions in the story, and
learning pertinent vocabulary items.
References:
Allen,
J.P.B., Carroll, S., Butris, J., & Gaudino, V. (1987). The Core French observation study. In J. P. B. Allen, J.
Cummins, B. Harley, & M. Swain
(eds.), The development of bilingual proficiency (Vol. 2, pp.56- 189). Toronto: Modern Language
Center, Ontario Institute for Studies in
Education.
Krashen,
S. D. (1985a). Inquiries and insight. Hayward, CA: Alemany Press.
Krashen,
S. D. (1985b). The input hypothesis: Issues and implication. New York: Longman.
Swain,
M. (1995). Communicative competence: Some roles of comprehensible input and comprehensible output in its
development. In Gass & Madden
(1995: 235-253).
Chapter One
"حكايتي" قصص من واقع حياة فتيات من مصر
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قصص
من واقع حياة
فتيات
مصريات، ولكن
هذه المرة بطريقتهن
الخاصة جدا،
لنتعرف في هذه
القصص على اوضاعهن
الحالية،
واحلامهن
للمستقبل من
خلال صور
التقطنها
بأنفسهن،
وحكاية
سجلناها بأصواتهن.
هذه
المساحة
نفردها لتسع
فتيات من مصر
بعد ورشة عمل
تجريبية
اقيمت في
القاهرة في يوليو/تموز
الماضي كجزء
من مشروع
بعنوان "حياتي"
MY LIFE
، يشمل دول
عربية اخرى في
المراحل
التالية.
ويجري
العمل في
المشروع الذي
تقيمه بي بي
سي بالتعاون
مع شركاء من
الجمعيات
الاهلية في كل
دولة من الدول
التي
سيشملها،
بهدف اتاحة
الامكانيات
ومساعدة
الفتيات
والشابات
العربيات في
المرحلة
العمرية بين 15
و 22 عاما على
سرد قصصهن
الخاصة
بالصوت
والصورة تحت
عنوان "اين
انا الان؟
واين اريد ان
اكون في عام 2015 ؟".
وستعقب
كل ورشة عمل
مؤتمر في كل
بلد يتيح للفتيات
الفرصة
لمناقشة
ارائهن مع
متخذي القرار والعاملين
في مجال
الاعلام، على
ان ينظم مؤتمر
نهائي بنهاية
العمل في المشروع
في مارس/آذار 2005
بهدف جمع اهم
الافكار والمشكلات
ومناقشتها
على مستوى
اوسع.
ولكن
المناقشة
التي ستبدأ
على الفور فهي
بمشاركة زوار
الموقع
بالرأي
والتعليق على
كل قصة وعلى
الفكرة
الرئيسية او
المشكلة التي
طرحت فيها
وسبل حلها.
ولقد اقيمت
ورشة العمل
بالقاهرة
بالتعاون مع
جمعية نهوض
وتنمية
المرأة ADEW،
وشاركت
الفتيات
خلالها مع
منظمي الورشة
في عدد من
التدريبات
والالعاب
التي مكنتهن
بعد ذلك من
استخدام
الاجهزة
والامكانيات
المتاحة في
سرد قصصهن.
وكل الصور
المتضمنة في
القصص هي من
تصوير
المشاركات او
من رسومهن او
افكارهن،
بالاضافة الى
تسجيل صوتي
لحكاية كل
فتاة. وقد
أعيدت صياغة
النص المكتوب
بالعربية الفصحى
لتسهيل
قرائته،
ويمكن
الاستماع
لتسجيل صوتي
للقصص كما
جاءت على لسان
الفتيات.
3
1. "رضا"
تحلم بنهاية
عمالة
الاطفال
انا
اسمي رضا، سني
16 سنة، بدأت
اشتغل في
الفخار من سن
ست سنوات،
وحكايتي عن
عمل الاطفال.
احيانا عندما
نرى اطفالا
عائدين من
المدارس اثناء
عملنا نبكي لاننا
لم نستطع
الدخول الى
المدرسة بسبب
ظروف عائلتنا.
انا واختي منى
نعمل، ووالدي
اخرس، ونعمل
طوال الاسبوع
ونأخذ جنيه
ونصف، وعندما
يحتاج اخوتي
الصغار
لاشياء مثل
باقي الاطفال
لا نستطيع
شرائها لهم،
وفي مرة فكرت
في الهرب،
ولكن اين
اذهب؟ ومن
يعتني باخوتي
الصغار؟
والدي لا يعمل
لانه اخرس،
ولكنه تزوج
وانجب ستة،
كان من
المفروض ان
ينجب طفلين
فقط.
انا بالطبع
أكره هذا
العمل، لكنه
في النهاية يكون
جميلا لكن ليس
بالنسبة لنا،
لاننا نعمل في
ظروف متعبة،
وايضا
"المعلمين"
احيانا يضربون
الاطفال
ويسبونهم،
واتمنى ان شاء
الله ان يتعلم
كل الاطفال في
المدارس.
فمثلا الدخان
الذي يتصاعد
من "الفرن" في
الورشة يكتم
على صدورنا،
والاتربة في
الورشة تضر
بالصدر ولا
يمكن للاطفال
الصغيرة
تحملها، ونتمنى
أن نترك الشغل
ونسكن في مكان
افضل من الذي
نسكن فيه.
4
اذا ما كنت
متعلمة كنت
احلم ان اكون
مدرسة لاني
احب الاطفال
الصغيرة جدا،
واحب ان
اعلمهم،
وانا اتعلم
الان في فصول
محو الامية،
واذا استفدت
منها وتعلمت
عندما اكبر ان
شاء الله
سأعلم
الاطفال التي
لم تتعلم.
1.
بماذا
تحلم رضا؟
2. ماذا تقول
رضا عن والدها
وانجاب
الاطفال؟
3. لماذا تکره
رضا عملها؟
4. ما هي الظروف
غير الصحية
التي تعمل
فيها رضا؟
5. لماذا
لاتستطيع رضا
ان تذهب
للمدرسة؟
6.
کيف عوَّضت
عن ذلك؟
7. ماذا تقول رضا عن السكن؟