Robert Schwartz 
History

Harriet Pollatsek
Mathematics

hen we first looked at census records from three small villages in -rural France, we guessed the average number of children residing in the household. Consistently our guesses were higher than the records suggested. Though infant mortality certainly affected the number of children in the family, there is also significant data suggesting that methods of reproductive control were used. An analysis of census data from 1836 to 1851 of a rural village in France suggests an increase in the adoption of birth control practices. This increased control over reproductive life had great impact on not only individual couples, but the feminist movement, the Catholic church in France, and the French national government.

To establish that birth control was used, it is important to first estimate how many children a woman would have in her lifetime if no reproductive control was used. In my research, I used women between the ages of forty and forty-five, in an attempt to find a window of time when women ceased to bear children, but also before many children had left home to pursue apprenticeships, to marry, or had been drafted into the army. If a typical woman married at twenty-five, factoring in mortality rates and children leaving home, it can be expected that a forty year old women would have four children residing in the home and a forty-five year old woman would have five children in the home when the census was taken. (See appendix I for calculations and methods.)

Over the years, the number of children residing in all families (Table 1) is fairly
similar to current American family size, another suggestion that reproductive control was in use, as contraception is most certainly utilized in current American culture.

Logically, the larger families are those with older mothers, as time is necessary for a family to grow. By looking at birth rate statistics for women in their early forties,, (Table 2) one can figure out whether women were using their full reproductive capabilities (For more detailed results, see Appendix 11).

It is logical and expected that women at the end of their reproductive phase in their life have more co-residing children than the mean for an entire village, as the results suggest. In 1836, women between the ages of forty and forty-five had a mean value of .3 more children than all women in the village. In 1851, the mean number of children had fallen in both cases, however women in their early forties were having a higher number of children than the mean for all women --nearly one more on average. Perhaps in 1851 it was the younger generation of mothers which was using birth control more often and with a greater degree of success than older mothers. Also, family size was smaller for younger mothers than it had been 15 years earlier in 1836. Despite the differences between the village as a whole and women between forty and forty-five, it is evident that there are significantly fewer children in homes with mothers in their early forties than the estimates of how many a typical woman could expect to have in a lifetime without fertility control. Women in their early forties who weren't using reproductive control could have between four and five children reported in the census, and over the fifteen years the mean value of children residing the home was 2.55. The women of Tart-le-Bas were not having as many children as their bodies could support.

Birth control was not used primarily to prevent Pregnancy of single women, but
rather to space births of children over a longer period of time in families. Because of a
variety of physiological factors, it was possible for women to reproduce every year and a half to two years. In Tart-le-Bas, surviving children were two years apart in 1836, increasing to over three years in 1851, suggesting a growth in birth control and supporting the idea of spacing births. (Table-4)

Women chose to space births and to have fewer children for a variety of reasons. A large percentage of the population of France relied directly on agriculture. For those who farmed the land, more children meant more- laborers but more children also meant more mouths to feed. With the introduction of the Napoleonic Code, in which land was divided equally amongst offspring as opposed to simply inherited by the eldest son, the more children in the family, the less land each received off of which to make their living. It was economically advantageous for fewer children to be born.

Pure celibacy was one way the birthrate as a whole was limited in France. The celibacy rate among French peasants was anywhere from eight to fifteen percent.(1) The celibacy rate is composed of all unmarried adults without children; it would be practically impossible to estimate how many peasants actually refrained from intercourse. Members of the clergy were excluded from this rate due to the nature of their profession. Celibacy affects the general birth rate of a village or nation rather than family size because those who are celibate are unmarried and most children lived in two parent homes. While marriage was the lifestyle the majority of peasants pursued, celibacy was a socially acceptable decision. Often the decision not to marry came from economic or familial pressures. "Young men waited until they were in the position to establish the agricultural, craft or commercial business that would provide a living for their wife and children before getting married. (2) Comparatively, in looking at the census records for Tart-le-Bas, I found a 14% celibacy rate in villagers over thirty. The majority of single people were between 30 and 40, suggesting perhaps that they were not permanently celibate, but were instead waiting to marry for economic or familial reasons.

While Tart-le-Bas' census figures on celibacy remain constant throughout the 15 year period, it is noteworthy that the number of childless married women grew substantially over the time period.

For childless women over fifty-five, we can not assume that they were barren; more likely their children have left. The growth of younger women without children is far more suggestive of a growth in population control. In 1836, only 1.3% of married women were under 55 and childless, by 1851 it had jumped to 19.15%, a striking growth. This childlessness is possibly attributed to contraception and its growing popularity and use.

A more common and more popular form of birth control was simple and cheap: abstinence. Abstinence, and all contraceptive practices, were used not simply to prevent additions to the family. Women who were pregnant did not lactate, and-mother's milk was the safest and most nutritional food source for infants. -Abstinence was not an Issue of the mother's health, but rather an issue of health for the child that was still breast feeding. It was also found that women who were breast feeding in -the 18th and 19th century "enjoyed a margin of protection against a subsequent conception."(3) This fact, though not proven until the 20th century, was believed to be true much earlier and was used to encourage mothers to breast feed their children. In a time when wet-nurses were so popular and the infant mortality rate so high, breast feeding was an important political and public health ideal.

Abstinence became such a popular social ideal that it became popular to show
wealth by separate rooms or at least separate beds for the husband and wife. (4) While these luxuries could only be afforded by a few, the sentiment applied to all families of all economic positions; birth control was popular, desirable and socially acceptable in France. Also, because men and women were waiting longer to marry, abstinence and control of sexual urges were ideas which many were already used to and had practiced for years before marriage.

Coitus Interruptus was another popular form of birth control. The practice, which is the withdrawal of the man during intercourse before ejaculation, was cheap and easy, though not as reliable as abstinence for obvious medical reasons. This practice allowed couples some pleasure but also ensured a certain degree of contraception.

Abortion was a common result of unwanted pregnancies. With the closing of many foundling homes, abortion became a logical answer to those seeking to limit the size of their family. While more commonly practiced in urban areas, rural women were also comfortable with the practice. In 19th century France there was a glut of midwives and doctors. With the declining birthrate, it became harder for doctors and midwives to support themselves simply on births alone. Abortion became another possible source of income and the practice increased.(5) However, abortion was not primarily preformed as a surgical endeavor. Often, rural women would try to induce miscarriages on their own by ingesting certain herbs, exercising strenuously, jumping up and down, and a number of other methods. (6)

Less often used for contraception in rural areas were mechanical products condoms, sponges, pessaries and other artificial means. The lack of use was due in a large part to lack of wealth and availability in rural areas. Also, many peasants tended to prefer more "natural" methods. (7)

Birth control allowed French peasant women to take control of their lives and gave them power within their domicile. French author Retif de la Bretonne in the biography of his father, My Father's Life, speaks of his mother's submission to his father, as well as the fourteen children his father had sired in 18th century peasant France. One hundred years later, in rural France,. life had changed decidedly. "Failing fertility was perhaps the main ingredient in changing the roles and perceptions of women." (8)

Fewer children and greater Spacing of children changed the lives of peasant women profoundly. Fewer children meant fewer pregnancies and births which were both health risks for women. With limited medical care, deliveries were often risky and dangerous. Longer periods of time between children meant that a woman would not have to spend her entire reproductive life breast feeding. Breast feeding tied a woman to her home and to her children, and a reduction of this practice due to fewer children translated to an opportunity for women to take in work or go outside the home to earn wages. Though the work may have been menial, if a women could add to the family's income her value as a person, and as a resource for the family, increased considerably.

This increase in value of women in their homes caused the scattered feminist movements around France to grow and gain power.(9) Women's roles for centuries were largely determined by their reproductive cycle; their lives divided into three distinct periods -- before, during, and after the child bearing years. Contraception allowed these lines to blur, and -along with these advances came a feeling among women that other lines could be crossed as well. It is often believed that feminism was one of the main factors leading to popular contraception, but most likely it was the other way around; a practice which was started to keep families economically stable led to radical changes in personal relationships. Feminist movements fought for the vote for women and also fought for more reliable forms of contraception. Women's influence in the Catholic Church and the growing feminist movement impacted the Church's stance on reproductive control.

The French Revolution and its aftermath destroyed the congregations of the Catholic Church throughout France. By the mid-19th century the Church was beginning to see a return to its pews, mostly by women. The Church, while seeing a resurgence, was also aware how fragile this resurgence was and feared its congregations would dissipate if provoked. Due to this fear the Catholic Church waffled on its position on contraception and reproductive control in the 19th century. Though the Church believed the primary purpose in Catholic France was to bear children; (10) the Church was very careful not to alienate those in the congregation who were using contraception. The Church did this by not deciding on the morality of reproductive control, instead it divided contraceptive practices into two broad categories, "natural" and "artificial." Natural forms of birth control, while not advocated we also not considered sins. These form of contraception included celibacy and abstinence. Artificial forms, such as condoms, sponges and abortion were considered sins. It is noteworthy that while abortion was a sin, it was the killing of the fetus rather than the contraceptive issues that categorized it a such." (11) Coitus interruptus was the most controversial form of birth control because the church had trouble categorizing it as natural or artificial. Eventually it was decided that it was a sin for the man to perform it but it was not a sin for the woman to allow it to be performed. This kind of technicality suggests that the Church was uncomfortably aware of its limited influence. It was not until the end of the 19th century that the Church took a strong position against birth control, and this was only in response to the French government's unease at the slowing birthrate.

The Church's position on reproductive control illuminates how it is often the population which determines the religious dictums rather than the highest authority in the land proclaiming what is right and wrong. The Catholic Church, fighting to reclaim its position of power and influence in the 19th century, compromised on the issue of birth control. It was not until the end of the 19th century that the Church came out strongly for larger families. Instead of focusing on the moral and religious issues associated with birth control, the Church focused on the beauty and excellence of large families. These sentiments were put forth with pressure from the French national government. Alliance between the French government and the Catholic Church at this time was rare and suggests how serious the declining birthrate was in France.

The end of the 19th century in Europe was a time of growing nationalism. National governments became more powerful and influential in citizen's every day lives. In previous eras the only contact the peasants had with government was when their sons were drafted into the army. The building of railroads throughout Europe brought the continent closer together, allowing people to travel farther faster. The free and compulsory' national education systems that began in the 19th century created a generation which considered themselves French first and from their region second.

While nationalism within France was considered important and advantageous by the French government, there was a growing discomfort by the end of the 19th century with the nationalism within other countries. The First World War, while 25 years away in 1890, was becoming a reality many governments were fearing and anticipating.

These fears caused France to become alarmed by its shrinking population, and the population's unwillingness to reproduce limitlessly The citizens appeared more concerned with their personal economic and fiscal responsibilities rather than the government's fears. The relative pattern of population growth in France was not encouraging to the French government. "During the 1850s and 1860s it [Population of Chassignolles] stabilized. It began to increase again in. the 1870s but the rate was not dramatic. It passed the 1200 mark in the 1880s and did not reach its peak of about 1400 until the eve of the First World War." (12) Previously, in the first three decades of the 19th century, the population of Chassignolles had grown by half. The birth rate in Chassignolles was not affected by the government and Church campaigns to promote large families, a trend that was common through out France.

The First World War began when a serf shot Duke Ferdinand in Serbia, far away both geographically and psychically from rural France. The effect of World War I on the French peasantry seem much stronger than the peasantry's effect on World War 1. However, World War I was not Merely caused by an assassination, it was caused by growing nationalism in Europe. The French government's nervousness in regards to its enemies' nationalism caused the government to encourage large families among the peasantry. More children were needed to defend France against other European nations and reproductive practices were not allowing this surplus population to be born. Closure of foundling homes destroyed a huge resource for the French military. The government was keenly aware of the peasantrys reproductive practices, and these practices determined French governmental policy.

Personal decisions made in peasant families about reproductive controls had enormous effects on the mentality and direction of France in the 19th century.

Contraception was not a reaction to a dropping infant mortality rate, but rather a cause of it. Because fewer children were being left in foundling homes, fewer children were dying in them. While these changes were not limited to France, France was the first European country where the birth rate dropped. It is a small wonder that. abortion pills such as RU-486 were created in France. France has a long history of active and passive reproductive control.

Birth control and abortion are controversial issues in the present world. We see these debates as fresh and new and without precedence. French history and rural census records suggest otherwise; popular use of reproductive control was not only common in France but it shaped European history, as wall as the lives of individual women.

In order to determine how many children a typical married woman of forty to fortyfive would have had in her life time, I did the following calculations: If a typical forty year old woman had been married since twenty-five (a common age of marriage) she has had 15 years to reproduce. She could have had a child every year and a half or so, or bear 10 children. In the 19th century, 52 % of Children born saw their fifteenth birthday, so roughly five of her children survived in this hypothetical situation. Figuring how many children had left the home proved a little more difficult. As it was impossible to track how many children had left the area either through marriage, apprenticeships or conscription, I looked solely at the number of children working as domestic servants in households. Over the fifteen year period, there were an average of 13 servants under the age of 25 in Tart-le-Bas. As these could be the children of any married woman, and because it is impossible to find the children had left the area, I assumed that 1 child had left the home in forty year old mothers and 2 children had left the home with mothers of forty-five. The calculations for the forty-five year old woman were repeated, and I found that it was possible for a hypothetical forty-five year old woman to bear 13 children, 7 of whom survive.

After compiling my calculations with the census information, my final estimates project that a forty year old woman would have four children counted in the census and a forty-five year old woman would have five children counted in the census if no reproductive control was used.

Footnotes:

1. Rate was determined by dividing the years between the oldest and youngest child by the number of children in the Census -- this is why the median is not a whole number. See appendix 11 for raw data.

Endnotes

1.Sexuality and Social Order, Angus McLaren
2.Check info
3. Sexualily and Social Order, Angus McLaren, 19
4.Sexuality and Social Order, Angus McLaren 18
5.Histo!y of Contraception, Angus McLaren, 191
6.The Captured Womb, Ann Oakley, 197
7. The Captured Womb, Ann Oakley, 79
8. Changing Lives, Bonnie Smith, 345
9.Changing Lives, Bonnie Smith, 348
10.Sexualijy and Social Control, Angus MGI-aren, 32
1 I.Sexualijy and Social Control Angus Mcl-a-ren, 40
12. Celestine Gillian Tindall, 125

Works Sited

Gelis, Jacques. History of Childbirth-Fertility, Pregnancy & Birth in Early Modem Europe. Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press, 1991.

LaBerge, Ann F. The Early 19th Century French Public Health Movement. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

Loudon, Irvine. Death in Childbirth: An International Study of Maternal Care and Maternal Mortality 1800-1950. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992

McLaren, Angus. A History of Contraception: From Antiquity to the Present Day. Cambridge, MA: Basil Blackwell Inc, 1990.

McLaren, Angus. Sexuality and Social Order - The Debate over the Fertilily of Women & Workers in France, 1770-1920. New York, NY: Holmes and Meier Publishers, Inc, 1983

McManners, John. Death and the Enlightenment: Changing Attitudes to Death among Christians and Unbelievers in Eighteenth-century France. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981.

Oakly, Ann. The Captured Womb: A history of the Medical Care of Pregnant Women. Cambridge MA: Basil Blackwell Inc, 1984

Ramsey, Matthew. Professional and Popular Medicine in France, 1770-1830. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988.

Ranurn, Patricia and Orest. Popular Attitudes Toward Birth Control in Pre-Industrial France and England. New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1972.

Tindall, Gillian. Celestine. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.

Department of Archives of Cote d'Or Cennsus of 1836, 1841, and 1851 for Tart-le-Bas.