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February 25, 2005

Science Historian to speak on MHC Faculty and the Rise of American Science

 

  Miriam Levin
   

Miriam Levin, associate professor of history at Case Western Reserve University, will give a talk titled “Not the Girls of Summers: Mount Holyoke Faculty and the Rise of American Science” on Wednesday, March 2, at 7:30 PM in Room L1 in Newcomb Cleveland Hall of the Mount Holyoke Science Center.

Levin is the author of Defining Women’s Scientific Enterprise: Mount Holyoke Faculty and the Rise of American Science (University Press of New England, 2005), a book made all the more timely by the recent controversy over suggestions by Lawrence Summers, the president of Harvard University, that “innate differences” may be one of the reasons that women do not succeed as well as men at the highest levels of scientific and mathematical research.

Levin’s book makes a compelling case that Mount Holyoke's founder Mary Lyon—who was a chemist—and the women educators she recruited were able to stake out roles for women in the scientific enterprise during the College’s first century. She attributes their success to their ability to work within the dominant New England Protestant culture, and to their initiative and zeal to break new ground.

“'I am delighted to welcome Miriam Levin to campus,” said President Joanne V. Creighton. “This book makes an important contribution to the history of academic science in this country, showing how modern science has roots in the close-observation practices developed by pioneering women scientists, practices that were at once supportive and transgressive. In so doing, as the book’s editors note, 'Mount Holyoke itself becomes an experiment that raises a basic question: Is there another way of doing science?' Perhaps this study will serve as a corrective to the notion that women are somehow poorly suited for careers in science.”

Mount Holyoke’s story “is very different from the narrative that most feminist historians of science have written about women in science—these have concentrated on outsiders trying to get in, on individuals making significant contributions in the face of discrimination,” Levin said. “What I saw at Mount Holyoke was the continual calibration of the relationship between the goals of an institution and the goals of ambitious women in light of market demand for science. As a result, the story is that of the way women became participants in shaping the American scientific enterprise through their work at Mount Holyoke.”

Levin is the author of numerous publications on the history of science, technology, and education. Among her books are Republican Art and Ideology in Late Nineteenth-Century France, (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1986), a study of French government policies aimed at integrating science and technology into the national culture to control the course of industrialization along liberal democratic lines; and When the Eiffel Tower Was New: French Visions of Progress at the Centennial of the Revolution, (South Hadley: Mount Holyoke College, distributed by University of Massachusetts Press, 1989), an exploration in text and images of the ways in which the French responded to technological innovations at the time of the great universal expositions of 1889 and 1900. She recently edited a collection of essays, Cultures of Control (New York: Routledge, 2000), examining the modern use of technological systems for economic and social ends.

Levin received her bachelor’s and master’s degrees from the University of Michigan, and her doctorate from the University of Massachusetts. She was a fellow with the Five College Women's Studies Research Center at Mount Holyoke College in the spring of 1993. More recently, she has been honored as visiting professor at universities in Sweden and France.

Introducing Levin will be W. Donald Cotter, associate professor of chemistry. Cotter recently has turned his scholarly attentions to the study of the history of chemistry, focusing on the American chemical community between 1890 and 1920.

Mount Holyoke has played a remarkable role in educating women scientists since its founding. For most of the twentieth century, Mount Holyoke graduated more women who went on to receive doctorates in the physical sciences and engineering than any other university or college in the nation. In the 1980s, despite its small size, Mount Holyoke was the undergraduate college of more women who went on to earn a Ph.D. in chemistry than any other institution in the country. Today, one-quarter to one-third of Mount Holyoke’s students major in science or mathematics— double the proportion of women who major in math or science at comparable coeducational institutions.

Q & A with Miriam Levin

Lawrence Summers, the president of Harvard, recently stirred up controversy when he suggested that “innate differences” might explain why fewer women succeed in mathematics and the sciences. What are your thoughts about that?

This question of inherited differences is a nonstarter, and one that should have nothing to do with policy. What kinds of differences are you going to look at? What kinds of data are you going to gather? What are the cause-and-effect relationships regarding intelligence and work that can be established beyond a doubt? Once you start this kind of research, people who want to make certain kinds of policy begin to use these arguments against the very people who are underrepresented. Didn't’t we already discredit this approach when The Bell Curve was published 11 years ago? History shows that the examination of sex-based differences in intelligence is just as biased as the bias it’s trying to establish. Moreover, since scientific work varies with disciplines, there is the question of what skills, talents, and abilities we are talking about in any particular case. I think the study of innate differences in intelligence has produced nothing but questionable evidence that has been used to support keeping women out.

How might an understanding of the history of science, particularly women’s involvement in science, have led to a different approach to this issue?

A historian would probably say that what we ought to study is the cultural context in which women and men are educated and work. Changing the culture, in some ways, is what’s most important to allowing anyone who has the abilities and the talents and the interest nd the drive to participate in science. The other point that I would make here—and this comes out of looking at Mount Holyoke—is that increasingly women have made their own decisions about how to participate in science. I think it’s possible for colleges and universities to enable women, and men as well, to exercise a choice as to whether they want to go for high-level research science, or focus on teaching or industry, or take a less intensive approach—and to respect and help them prepare for these choices.

Summers also suggested that women’s unwillingness or inability to work 80-hour weeks could also be a factor. What’s your reaction to that?


Actually, it sounds as though he’s blaming women, that it’s their fault that they’re not at the top. He’s saying that if they’re married or have children, they may have chosen not to devote the amount of time it takes to climb to the top, or they can’t make it to the top because they’ve got too many other responsibilities. This is a sensitive subject, but I think we do need to gather information from women and men about the reasons for their choosing one or another kind of scientific work to see where and how personal circumstances figured in the results. The difficulty with President Summers’s statement is that he’s proposed that we study bias, yet his own language seems to be biased.

How does the history of science at the College bear on the current discussion?

I think the history of Mount Holyoke tells us that science is quite a varied endeavor, and that the production of scientific information and knowledge involves lots of different people at different levels. Mount Holyoke, I think, really makes the point that the college level is a very important point at which scientists begin to be formed in this country. Also, Mount Holyoke faculty have had a strategy for dealing with questions about marriage and women with children—they’ve been aware of these issues ever since the founding of the College. They absolutely never entertained the idea that biological differences between men and women made a difference in intellectual abilities. They had Protestantism on their side, in the sense that all souls are equal before God, and all people have access and can understand God through nature. That was something that they never relinquished, and whenever there were opportunities to move ahead and to gain purchase and more equality, they did it.

What got you interested in doing this research and writing the book?

I just was so fascinated with the story. Mount Holyoke’s story is very different from the stories that most feminist historians of science have written about women in science—that they were outsiders trying to get in, that they were discriminated against, and that they against all odds were able to contribute important things to science. What I saw here was the relationship between the goals of an institution and the goals of ambitious women, and the way women became participants in shaping the American scientific enterprise through their work at Mount Holyoke. There is another story to tell here, one about women who really felt enabled, and women who contributed and participated. They were active. Beyond that, I’m fascinated with the way in which science and religion were interwoven throughout the College’s history and enabled women to participate in shaping the scientific enterprise.

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