One of the earliest movements for political reform was an integrationist group, the Young Algerians (Jeunesse
Algérienne). Its members were drawn from the small, liberal elite of welleducated , middle-class évolués who
demanded an opportunity to prove that they were French as well as Muslim. In 1908 they delivered to France's Prime
Minister Georges Clemenceau a petition that expressed opposition under the status quo to a proposed policy to
conscript Muslim Algerians into the French army. If, however, the state granted the Muslims full citizenship, the petition
went on, opposition to conscription would be dropped. In 1911, in addition to demanding preferential treatment for
"the intellectual elements of the country," the group called for an end to unequal taxation, broadening of the franchise,
more schools, and protection of indigenous property. The Young Algerians added a significant voice to the reformist
movement against French colonial policy that began in 1892 and continued until the outbreak of World War I. In part
to reward Muslims who fought and died for France, Clemenceau appointed reform-minded Charles Jonnart as
governor general. Reforms promulgated in 1919 and known as the Jonnart Law expanded the number of Muslims
permitted to vote to about 425,000. The legislation also removed all voters from the jurisdiction of the humiliating
indigénat.

The most popular Muslim leader in Algeria after the war was Khalid ibn Hashim, grandson of Abd al Qadir and a
member of the Young Algerians, although he differed with some members of the group over acceptance of the Jonnart
Law. Some Young Algerians were willing to work within the framework set out by the reforms, but Emir Khalid, as he
was known, continued to press for the complete Young Algerian program. He was able to win electoral victories in
Algiers and to enliven political discourse with his calls for reform and full assimilation, but by 1923 he tired of the
struggle and left Algeria, eventually retiring to Damascus.

Some of the Young Algerians in 1926 formed the Federation of Elected Natives (Fédération des Elus Indigènes--FEI),
as many of the former group's members had joined the circle of Muslims eligible to hold public office. The federation's
objectives were the assimilation of the évolués into the French community, with full citizenship but without surrendering
their personal status as Muslims, and the eventual integration of Algeria as a full province of France. Other objectives
included equal pay for equal work for government employees, abolition of travel restrictions to and from France,
abolition of the indigénat (which had been reinstituted earlier), and electoral reform.

The first group to call for Algerian independence was the Star of North Africa (Étoile Nord-Africain, known as Star).
The group was originally a solidarity group formed in 1926 in Paris to coordinate political activity among North African
workers in France and to defend "the material, moral, and social interests of North African Muslims." The leaders
included members of the French Communist Party and its labor confederation, and in the early years of the struggle for
independence the party provided material and moral support. Ahmed Messali Hadj, the Star's secretary general,
enunciated the groups demands in 1927. In addition to independence from France, the Star called for freedom of press
and association, a parliament chosen through universal suffrage, confiscation of large estates, and the institution of
Arabic schools. The Star was banned in 1929 and operated underground until 1934, when its newspaper reached a
circulation of 43,500. Influenced by the Arab nationalist ideas of Lebanese Druze Shakib Arslan, Messali Hadj turned
away from communist ideology to a more nationalist outlook, for which the French Communist Party attacked the Star.
He returned to Algeria to organize urban workers and peasant farmers and in 1937 founded the Party of the Algerian
People (Parti du Peuple Algérien--PPA) to mobilize the Algerian working class at home and in France to improve its
situation through political action. For Messali Hadj, who ruled the PPA with an iron hand, these aims were inseparable
from the struggle for an independent Algeria in which socialist and Islamic values would be fused.

Algeria's Islamic reform movement took inspiration from Egyptian reformers Muhammad Abduh and Muhammad
Rashid Rida and stressed the Arab and Islamic roots of the country. Starting in the 1920s, the reform ulama, religious
scholars, promoted a purification of Islam in Algeria and a return to the Quran and the sunna, or tradition of the Prophet
(see Islam and the Algerian State , ch. 2). The reformers favored the adoption of modern methods of inquiry and
rejected the superstitions and folk practices of the countryside, actions that brought them into confrontation with the
marabouts. The reformers published their own periodicals and books, and established free modern Islamic schools that
stressed Arabic language and culture as an alternative to the schools for Muslims operated for many years by the
French. Under the dynamic leadership of Shaykh Abd al Hamid Ben Badis, the reformist ulama organized the
Association of Algerian Muslim Ulama (Association des Uléma Musulmans Algériens- -AUMA) in 1931. Although
their support was concentrated in the Constantine area, the AUMA struck a responsive chord among the Muslim
masses, with whom it had closer ties than did the other nationalist organizations. As the Islamic reformers gained
popularity and influence, the colonial authorities responded in 1933 by refusing them permission to preach in official
mosques. This move and similar ones sparked several years of sporadic religious unrest.

European influences had some impact on indigenous Muslim political movements because Ferhat Abbas and Messali
Hadj essentially looked to France for their ideological models. Ben Badis, however, believed that "Islam is our religion,
Arabic our language, Algeria our fatherland." Abbas summed up the philosophy of the liberal integrationists in
opposition to the claims of the nationalists when he denied in 1936 that Algeria had a separate identity. Ben Badis
responded that he, too, had looked to the past and found "that this Algerian nation is not France, cannot be France, and
does not want to be France . . . [but] has its culture, its traditions and its characteristics, good or bad, like every other
nation of the earth."

The colons, for their part, rejected any movement toward reform, whether instigated by integrationist or nationalist
organizations. Reaction in Paris to the nationalists was divided. In the 1930s, French liberals saw only the évolués as a
possible channel for diffusing political power in Algeria, denigrating Messali Hadj for demagoguery and the AUMA for
religious obscurantism. At all times, however, the French government was confronted by the monolithic intransigence of
the leaders of the European community in Algeria in opposing any devolution of power to Muslims, even to basically
pro-French évolués. The colons also had powerful allies in the National Assembly, the bureaucracy, the armed forces,
and the business community, and were strengthened in their resistance by their almost total control of the Algerian
administration and police.

Data as of December 1993

From the Library of Congress:

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCID+dz0033)