Brief History of Somalia
and how the need for intervention arose
"The evil
that is in the world always comes out of ignorance, and good intentions
may do as much harm as malevolence, if they lack understanding."
-Albert Camus
above-flag of Somalia
below-map of Somalia
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Located
in the Horn of Africa and neighboring the Arabian Peninsula, Somalia is
steeped in thousands of years of history. The ancient Egyptians spoke of
it as "God's Land." By the eighteenth century, the Somalis had essentially
developed their present way of life, which is based primarily on pastoral
nomadism and the Islamic faith (Maren 22). During the colonial period (approximately
1891 to 1960), the Somalis were separated into the following subdivisions:
British Somaliland (north central); French Somaliland (east and southeast);
Italian Somaliland (south); Ethiopian Somaliland (the Ogaden); and what
came to be called the Northern Frontier District (NFD) of Kenya.
In 1960, a single independent
state emerged, known as the Somali Republic, when Italian Somaliland and
British Somaliland were combined (24). Although overwhelmed by territorial
disagreements with Ethiopia and Kenya, and by problems integrating the
dual legacy of Italian and British administrations, Somalia remained a
model of democratic governance in Africa during its first nine years as
an independent state. |
Southern Somalia appeared to be stronger and was able to capture the lion's
share of governmental position, including the presidency. Young Northern
British trained officials revolted in December 1961. They were quickly
defeated, and though this episode faded very quickly, it left behind much
friction between the North and South (Samatar 31). Few governmental officials
worried about the plight of the average Somali or gave much consideration
to the productive sectors of the economy. By 1969, it had become very clear
that there was little to Somali democracy. With widespread public resentment
and suspicion surrounding the fixed elections of early 1969, Major
General Mohamed Siad Barre took this advantage and seized power on
October 21, 1969. Barre's regime relied heavily on the support from
the Darod clan, especially the Marehan, Dolbahante, and Ogaden subclass.
Only a few days before, President AbdulRashid Ali Shermaarke was assassinated
by a member of the police force. With no leader, the Somali people gave
General Barre and his organization of the Supreme Revolutionary Council
(SRC) a turbulent welcome (Woodward 161). Barre and his council were perceived
as heroes set out to prevent the downward spiral many other African nations
had experienced once independence was won. The SRC had done some notable
things for the Somali people, including the selection of the official orthography,
which had been debated exhaustively in the Somali government. However,
this general attitude of hope quickly waned by the mid 1970s. By then,
it became painfully clear that the SRC had no intention on restoring democracy
as originally promised. The official campaign of the SRC was to campaign
against tribalism (163). Unofficially however, Barre had been building
his power by manipulating clans and applying classical tactics of divide
and rule. Over the next twenty years, a military dictatorship had been
established that divided and oppressed the Somalis.
Barre's rule slowly came to an end as the octogenarian ruler was unable
to control the nation's armed forces. By the mid-1990s, as public demonstrations,
riots, and looting in Mogadishu increased, armed clan based opposition
movements began to coordinate their actions. Barre became a prisoner in
his own compound with control over only a small enclave in the capital.
The Somali national army had long since collapsed into clan based factions,
and only a small group of Marehan remained loyal to the "president." In
a very real sense, Siad Barre ended his reign as the first regional warlord
of the 1990s (179). On January 27, 1991, amidst the bloodshed, Siad Barre's
twenty-one year military and personal dictatorship came to an end. Barre
and remnants of his supporters left Mogadishu in a military convoy headed
for the safety of his kinsmen in the Gedo region allowing for a jostling
for individual and clanistic power to commence. For many thousands of the
inhabitants of Mogadishu and other areas in Southern Somalia, living became
a nightmare as more and more of them were terrorized by armed gangs (Teson
231).
In September of the same year, Barre returned and his forces seized the
city of Baidoa, looted grain storage bins, and destroyed valuable farmland.
Counterattacks against Barre by Mohamed
Farrah Aideed, who at the time headed a major faction of the United
Somali Congress, and Aideed's militia led to further destruction of agriculture
which in turn led to the famine killing hundreds of thousands of people
mostly the elderly and young children.